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[经济学人] [2008.7.19]Justice or expediency in Sudan? 苏丹:审判还是权宜?

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发表于 2010-4-28 22:30 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
The International Criminal Court




Justice or expediency in Sudan?


苏丹:审判还是权宜?





Jul 17th 2008
From The Economist print edition






In an imperfect world, there is still a need to weigh the demands of both


在一个并非完美的世界,仍然需要权衡两种要求





ALL that is needed for evil to prosper is that good men do nothing. Edmund Burke’s familiar motto is a useful place to start when judging this week’s decision by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to request an arrest warrant for the president of Sudan, Omar al-Bashir, so that he can be put on trial for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Darfur. A dreadful evil has indeed been perpetrated in Sudan’s western province these past five years: mass killing, mass rape and the deliberate uprooting of millions of people. No decent person can fail to hope for an end to the suffering and for those responsible to be brought to justice.
如果好人什么都不做,邪恶之人必然猖獗。本周海牙国际法庭(ICC)的一个检查官做出决定,请求签发对于苏丹总统Omar al-Bashir的逮捕令,以审判他在达尔富尔所犯的种族灭绝、反人类以及战争罪。Edmund Burke这句耳熟能详的格言用来评价这个决定比较合适。在过去五年苏丹西部省份Omar al-Bashir确实犯下了令人发指的罪行:大规模杀戮,群奸以及有预谋的灭绝数以百万的人民。所有的文明人没有不希望结束这场苦难的并将罪犯绳之以法。


The prosecutor’s decision, however, also lays bare a familiar truth. In many cases, these two desires—for an end to suffering and for justice to be done—come into conflict, necessitating a hard choice. Worse, the choice must sometimes be made in a fog of uncertainty. In Darfur, for example, nobody can be sure of what will happen if the ICC’s judges now agree to indict Mr Bashir and if the UN Security Council decides not to exercise its right to stay the court’s hand (see article).
尽管如此,这个检察官的决定也暴露出了一个众所周知的事实。在很多案例中,人民的两个愿望:结束苦难的愿望与诉诸公义的愿望总是产生冲突,迫使检察官需要做一个艰难的抉择。更坏的是有时候必须在一团迷雾下做出这个决定。比如说,现在在达尔富尔如果ICC的法官同意控告Bashir先生并且如果联合国安理会决定不会站在法庭的立场行使他们的权利,没有人确定会发生什么事情。


Will he take revenge, by co-operating even less with aid and peace efforts and ramping up the violence? Will he just huff and puff and do nothing? The only certainty is that justice, if it is done at all, will not be done quickly. Popular in Khartoum, supported by China and the Arab world, Mr Bashir is not meekly going to stand down and report to The Hague for trial. He will work harder to stay put. The precedent of Slobodan Milosevic, carted off to the dock after falling from power in Serbia, has not been lost on the world’s bad men. Some people say such indictments prolonged the tyranny of Charles Taylor in Liberia and are now obstructing chances of peace with the murderous Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda.
他会报复吗,会不会减少与国际社会援助与和平努力的合作并将暴力升级来报复呢?他会不会仅仅是发一通怒而不会做出什么事情?唯一可以确定的是那个审判,即使进行了也根本不可能很快。在喀土穆,Bashir先生非常受欢迎,并且又受到中国和阿拉伯世界的支持,他不可能温顺的下台然后向海牙国际法庭报告。他会更加努力的巩固自己的地位。前辈Slobodan Milosevi在从塞尔维亚权利舞台上掉落下来之后被卡车押送到码头景象对全世界的坏人来说还记忆犹新。有人说此类控告延长了查尔斯.泰勒在利比里亚的暴政,也正在阻断乌干达政府与这个杀人魔王的反抗军的和平机会。


The spectacle of justice thwarted is hard to stomach. But in the argument between justice and expediency, both must have their say. It would be wonderful if the perpetrators of the slaughter in Darfur were brought to justice. The heart demands it, and to some degree the head demands it too. Ever since the trials in Nuremberg after the second world war, the hope has been that if heads of government and their lieutenants learn that even they are not above the law, fear of punishment will one day deter the powerful from committing great crimes. That, it is not too pompous to say, would in the long run be a marvellous advance in the human condition.
这种审判障碍的景象让人很难容忍。但是在审判和权益的争论中,两者都有发言权。达尔富尔大屠杀的罪犯被送交审判当然是极好的事情。心向往之,在一定程度上,领袖也需要它。自从二战后的纽伦堡审判以来,人们就一直希望即使政府首脑和他们的军队即使没有凌驾于法律之上,对于惩罚的恐惧也会有朝一日阻止权利滑向重大犯罪。可以好不浮夸的说,这将很长时期人类生存状况的一个了不起的进步。


In the immediate press of events, however, the moral calculation often pushes the other way. Only this week Indonesia and Timor-Leste published a report blaming the Indonesian army for the atrocities committed in the former East Timor. But, to keep the peace, there is no hint of bringing anyone to trial. None of the big shots who oversaw apartheid ever faced serious punishment. Till recently, dictators who ordered thousands of “disappearances” in Latin America’s dirty wars were allowed to slip into easeful retirement. Terrorists in Northern Ireland and Palestine have been forgiven their crimes in return for desisting. Such decisions are never easy: just ask the victims. But the hunger for peace will occasionally trump the appetite for justice if forgiveness and amnesty are the only way to end wars or move societies from dictatorship to democracy.
但是在最近的一些时间的报道中,道德考量却经常推动事情走上另外一条道路。就在本周印尼和东帝汶发布报告谴责印尼军队在前东帝汶所犯下的暴行。但是,为了维持和平,没有迹象表明有人要接受审判。从没有当年监督种族隔离制度的大人物面临严肃的惩罚。直到最近,在拉丁美洲肮脏战争中下令让数以千计的人消失的独裁者也被允许轻松退休。北爱尔兰和巴勒斯坦的恐怖分子的罪行也得到了宽恕以换来停火。这些决定绝对不是那么容易做出的,只要问问死者答应不答应。但是当宽恕和特赦是结束战争或者推动国家从独裁走向民主的唯一道路的时候,对和平的渴望偶尔会胜过对正义的偏好。
Give justice her sword还我正义之剑Where does that leave the high hopes that accompanied the creation of the ICC ten years ago? Still strong, we believe. Examples of justice denied do not mean that this noble enterprise is doomed to fail. On the contrary, the trials in various courts of Milosevic, Mr Taylor and perhaps eventually Mr Bashir too might indeed deter the war criminals of the future. But international law is not like domestic law. At their best, national laws enjoy the legitimacy conferred on them by accountable legislatures. National courts operate inside established systems of law-enforcement. The international system of law and order, by contrast, remains highly imperfect.
寄于十年前国际法庭的成立的厚望不知道丢到哪里去了?我们相信这个期望仍然很强。一些被拒绝的审批并不意味着这项高尚的事业注定失败。相反,在不同法庭对米洛舍维奇,泰勒先生或许最终也有Bashir先生的的审判能够真正阻止未来的战争犯罪。但是国际法和国内法不同。最好的时候,国内法享受有解释权的立法机关授予他们的合法性。国内法在既定的法律强制系统中执法。相反,国际法律和秩序体系仍然是高度不完善。


The case of Darfur is especially hard. A UN Security Council so divided that it could not even pass mild sanctions on Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe has spent five years dithering over the genocide in Sudan. The ICC must now issue its indictment against Mr Bashir if the evidence warrants it. That is its job. But the main work of ending the suffering in Darfur belongs to the Security Council and its members. They should use their power to suspend the court’s indictment as an extra form of leverage on Mr Bashir—but, crucially, they must add the threat to use force if Sudan refuses to make a deal. A court on its own cannot bring either peace or justice.
达尔富尔个案尤其困难。一个甚至不能通过一项对津巴布韦的罗伯特.莫加比温和的制裁的如此分裂的联合国安理会已经在苏丹种族灭绝这件事情上犹豫了五年。如果有证据证明,国际法庭必须提起对Bashir的指控。这是他们的工作。但是终结达尔富尔苦难的主要工作还属于安理会及其成员国。这些国家可以利用他们的权利延缓法庭对Bashir的控告作为对他施加影响的一个额外形式,但是,至关重要的是,他们肯定会增加对一旦苏丹拒绝成交以后使用武力的威胁。一个孤立无援的法庭既不能带来和平也不能带来公正。
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发表于 2010-4-28 22:35 | 显示全部楼层
昨晚我认真看完了,功夫熊猫翻的比较流畅。
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发表于 2010-4-28 22:40 | 显示全部楼层
过奖,还须改进阿:lol
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