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[经济学人] [2007.3.15][Survey]THE EUROPEAN UNION:Fit at 50?

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发表于 2010-4-28 19:49 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
SURVEY: THE EUROPEAN UNION

Fit at 50?
Mar 15th 2007
From The Economist print edition

欧盟:五十知天命?

The European Union has been far more successful than anyone expected when the Treaty of Rome was signed half a century ago. But, argues John Peet , it now has three big problems to solve

与半个世纪前签署《罗马条约》相比,欧盟的成就远超任何人的期待。不过,John Peet认为,今天的欧盟有三大问题亟待解决。



ON MARCH 25th 1957 a gaggle of leaders from six European countries (France, West Germany, Italy and the Benelux trio) met in the great hall of the Horatii and the Curiatii in Rome's Capitoline museum. Behind them two 17th-century frescoes depicted ancient Rome's bloody history: a suitable backdrop, since one of their concerns was to prevent a recurrence of Europe's internecine wars. They signed a treaty to establish a European Economic Community (EEC), soon to become known as the common market. Next weekend the present crop of European Union leaders will gather in Berlin (because Germany holds the rotating EU presidency) to mark the 50th anniversary of this historic step towards European integration.

1957年3月25日,来自6个欧洲国家(法国、西德、意大利、比利时、荷兰、罗森堡)的领导人齐聚罗马雕塑博物馆(Capitoline museum)的霍拉提(Horatii)和库里亚提(Curiatii)(注1)大厅。他们的身后的墙上有两幅17世纪壁画,描绘的是古罗马的血腥历史,这真是再好不过的背景,因为这些欧洲领导人关心的话题之一就是防止欧洲再次发生毁灭性战争。他们签署一项条约,成立了欧洲经济共同体(European Economic Community),旋即演变成广为人知的欧洲共同市场。下周,现任欧盟国家领导人将云集柏林(因为德国是欧盟轮值主席国),庆祝迈向欧洲融合的这一历史性时刻诞生50周年。

The German chancellor, Angela Merkel, wants the Berlin summit to issue a ringing declaration about the values and successes of the EU. She sees this as a way to relaunch the “European project”, which many think has been in serious trouble ever since French and Dutch voters rejected the draft EU constitution in the summer of 2005. Shortly afterwards Jean-Claude Juncker, prime minister of Luxembourg, which then held the EU's presidency, declared solemnly that “the EU is not in crisis; it is in deep crisis.” Jacques Delors, who was president of the European Commission from 1985 to 1994, says that the present “crisis” is the worst in the project's history—worse than the period of Charles de Gaulle's “empty chair” in 1965, or Margaret Thatcher's persistent demands for “our own money back” between 1979 and 1984.

德国总理安格拉·默克尔 (Angela Merkel)想让柏林峰会发表一项陈述欧盟价值和成就的响亮宣言,她把这视为重起“欧洲工程”一种途径,因为自2005年夏季法国和荷兰否决欧盟宪法草案以来,很多人认为“欧洲工程”已陷入危机。宪法草案遭否决后,其时不久就将担任欧盟轮值主席国的卢森堡首相让克洛德容克(Jean-Claude Juncker)马上严肃地宣布:“欧盟不是处于危机中,它处于的是严重的危机中。”19851994年曾担任欧洲委员会主席的贾克·戴勒斯(Jacques Delors)则评论道,“危机”的严重程度在“欧洲工程”的历史前所未见,此次危机比1965夏尔·戴高乐(Charles de Gaulle)的“空椅危机”(注2),以及1979年至1984年间玛格丽特·撒切尔(Margaret Thatcher)坚持要求“返回我们的钱”(注3)更严重。


Yet today's difficulties should not be allowed to obscure Europe's achievements of the past 50 years. True federalists actually saw the Treaty of Rome as a move away from the building of a European superstate that they had hoped would develop from the European Coal and Steel Community, set up in 1951. But in fact the EEC grew out of two other events: the French National Assembly's rejection of the proposed European Defence Community in 1954 and the Suez crisis of 1956. The first pointed to a reassertion of nation-states at the heart of Europe; the second led France to conclude that a European community was in its vital interest.

然而,如今的困难并不会使欧盟过去50年的成就黯然失色。忠实的联邦主义者亲眼见证了,1951年成立的欧洲煤钢共同体演变成了《罗马条约》,条约的订立朝建立他们所期望的超国家的欧洲政府迈出了一步。不过事实上,欧共体的发展离不开另外两事件:1954年法国国民大会否决了成立欧洲防御共同体的议案,以及1956年的苏伊士运河危机。前者彰显了欧洲核心(法国)对民族国家身份的强调,而后者使法国认识到欧洲对法国利益有至关重要影响。

A bigger objection to the EEC was that it covered only a small part of Europe. Soviet-dominated eastern Europe was excluded, as were fascist Spain and Portugal, because they were not democracies. But Britain and others chose to stand aside, either because they disliked the political integration implicit in the new grouping or because they wanted to preserve their neutrality. Indeed, two years after the Treaty of Rome came into force, seven countries (Austria, Britain, Denmark, Norway, Portugal, Sweden and Switzerland) set up the rival European Free-Trade Association (EFTA). “Seven and Six” was how this newspaper greeted the news.

有反对欧共体的意见认为,它只覆盖欧洲一小部分地区。苏联控制的东欧不在其中,因为非民主的缘故,法西斯的西班牙和葡萄牙同样被排除在外。而英国和其它国家则选择置身其外,要么是因为他们不喜欢新集团里隐含的政治融合,要么是因为他们想维持中立。甚至,在《罗马条约》生效2年后,7个国家(奥地利、英国、丹麦、挪威、葡萄牙、瑞典、瑞士)成立了竞争性的欧洲自由贸易联盟(European Free-Trade Association)。“76”成为当时报纸爆炒的话题。

Fifty years later the European Economic Community has changed out of all recognition, having metamorphosed into the European Union and grown far beyond the original six members. Despite the EFTA experiment, Britain applied for membership only four years after the Treaty of Rome, but was blocked by de Gaulle's veto and did not join until 1973, along with Denmark and Ireland.

50年间,欧共体演变成欧盟,成员国也远不只原来的6个国家,欧共体已面目全非。尽管有了欧洲自由贸易联盟的尝试,英国还是于《罗马条约》签署的4年后申请加入欧共体,但是遭到戴高乐的否决,直到1974年英国才随同丹麦和爱尔兰一起加入。

Several waves of further expansion followed, including Spain and Portugal in 1986. The biggest of all saw the admission of ten new members, including many ex-communist central European countries, on May 1st 2004. At the start of this year Romania and Bulgaria became the EU's 26th and 27th members. Plenty of others are clamouring to be let in. The only countries that have chosen to stay out even though they would instantly qualify for membership are Iceland, Norway and Switzerland.

随后又有数次成员扩张潮,这其中便包括1986年西班牙和葡萄牙的加入。最大的一次发生在200451,世人见证了10个新成员集体加入欧盟,这其中包括很多中欧前社会主义国家。今年年初,罗马尼亚和比利时分别成为欧盟的第26和第27个成员国。还有很多国家则在门外急切的等待加入。少数几个马上就具有成员国咨格,而想继续置身其外的国家是冰岛、挪威和瑞士。

The European Union has also moved far beyond the economic sphere. The completion of the single market was set in train only in the 1980s and remains a work in progress. But just as the American government used the constitution's interstate commerce clause to expand its powers, so the European institutions have exploited single-market rules to extend their responsibilities into such areas as social policy, welfare and the environment. Along the way the EU has acquired a single currency, a common foreign policy, a passport-free travel zone and policies on justice and home affairs, plus a nascent defence alliance with its own military-planning staff.

同样,欧盟所作所为已远超经济范畴。原本计划于1980年代建立的单一市场,到现在仍处筹建阶段。不过,正如美国政府使用宪法的州际商务条款扩展自身权利,欧盟宪法同样设立了单一市场法规,以便让欧盟能将职能延伸到诸如社会政策、福利、环境等领域。正是用这样的方式,欧盟采用了单一货币,共同外交政策,建立了免护照旅行区,实施司法和内政政策,以及新近成立的有自主参谋部的防务联盟。

This does not sound like an organisation in deep crisis. Even in the past two years the EU has agreed on a seven-year budget and set out ambitious plans for an energy policy and for tackling climate change. It has sent troops as far afield as Aceh and Congo and co-ordinated big national deployments in Lebanon. It has started membership negotiations with Croatia and, most momentously, with Turkey. Claims that this club has been unable to function since 2005 seem overblown.

这看上去不像是一个深处严重危机的组织。即便是在过去2年,欧盟也在七年预算上达成共识,制定能源政策和应对气候变化的雄心勃勃的计划也着手了。欧盟部署的军队远及亚齐(印度尼西亚的一个省)和刚果,在黎巴嫩和其它大国协同驻军。此外,欧盟业已起动与克罗地亚的入盟谈判,已启动的与土耳其的谈判意义更为重大.自2005年以来,欧盟不能正常运转的说法言之凿凿,现在看来是过分夸大。

The 50-year itch

五十年之痒

Yet the EU does face three huge, related problems. The first is what to do about its draft constitution, which was signed in October 2004 in the very room that witnessed the signing of the Treaty of Rome. The constitution's declared purpose was to improve the functioning of the institutions, to clarify the distribution of powers and to bring the union closer to its citizens. But because it was turned down in the French and Dutch referendums, the treaty has not been ratified.

不过,现在有三个重大同时又相互关联的问题摆在欧盟面前。首当其冲的便是宪法草案的处置问题,宪法草案签署于200410月,签署地正是见证《罗马条约》诞生的那间大厅。公开的宣传是说欧盟宪法旨在提高欧盟运行效率、明晰权利分配,团结欧盟成员国。但是,由于宪法草案在法国和荷兰的全民公决连遭否决,草案并未被批准。

Ms Merkel hopes that the Berlin declaration will not only relaunch the EU but also start resuscitating the constitution. Yet the task she has taken on is immense. Any new treaty must not only be unanimously agreed on but also ratified by all of the union's 27 members before it can take effect.

默克尔希望柏林宣言不但能重起欧盟工程,同时还让宪法重新进入批准程序。不过,她要承担的任务过于艰巨,因为任何新条约要想生效,不但要27个成员国取得共识,同时还要所有成员国批准。

That seems much less likely to happen because of the second big problem facing the union: popular disenchantment with the project. As Mr Delors notes, there is no dream, no vision that strikes a chord with today's European citizens in the way that reconciliation and an end to war did 50 years ago. Most of today's leaders, he complains, devote their time to attacking Brussels and all its works, not to spreading the word about the EU's achievements.

不过,横埂在欧盟面前的第二个问题,使第一个问题解决的可能性微乎其微:大众对欧盟工程热心度不够。正如戴勒斯所言,欧盟工程没有梦想、没有让人憧憬的地方,今日欧盟公民无法与之共鸣,而和解及终战远在50年前。他抱怨道,现在的大部分领导人热衷于抨击布鲁塞尔及其作为,就是闭口不谈欧盟的成就。

The mistrust of the union is perhaps most pronounced in Britain, but the regular opinion polls taken by Eurobarometer reveal high dissatisfaction with the union in other countries as well. In many of them, voters seem strongly opposed to further enlargement. The French and Dutch “no” to the constitution reflected this bleak mood. The new members are more enthusiastic about the union than the old ones, but even in them it is not hard to discover Eurosceptics.

对欧盟最为不信任的也许是英国,不过欧盟民调处(Eurobarometer)进行的经常性民意测验表明,其它国家同样对欧盟很不满意。很多国家的投票者似乎强烈反对欧盟进一步扩大,法国和荷兰对宪法草案说“不”正好反映了这种不满情绪。新成员国比老成员国对欧盟更有热情,不过即便在这些新成员国内部也不难发现欧洲怀疑论者。

This special report will weigh the chances of making progress with the EU constitution or devising some other “institutional settlement”, to use the current catchphrase in Brussels. It will consider how this is affecting plans to admit yet more new members. And it will assess the debate over how to persuade Europe's citizens to take a less jaundiced view of their union. But it will start by considering the union's third and perhaps most serious problem: the poor performance of its economies in recent years.

特别报告将评估欧盟宪法取得进展的可能性,以及评估设计一些其他的“制度设置”以便利用布鲁塞尔当前的口号的可能性。报告将思考如何影响计划以让更多的新成员加入欧盟,此外,报告将评价争论—如何说服欧洲公民以不那么偏见的眼光看待欧盟。不过,出现在报告开头的将会是第三个同时也是最让人担心的问题:近年乏善可陈的经济表现。

It was the roaring economic growth of the EEC, above all else, that made it such a success in its early days. It was this economic dynamism, too, that lured first Britain and then all the others to apply for membership. Conversely, it was gloom about the economy, and particularly over persistent high unemployment, that played the biggest part in the rejection of the constitution and in the spread of Euroscepticism across the continent. If the EU is to flourish far beyond its 50th birthday, it is its economy that most needs attention.

毕竟,是欧共体强劲的经济增长成就了其早期的成功。同样,正是经济活力先后吸引了英国和其他国家申请入盟。与之相反,惨淡的经济,特别是持续的高失业率,是欧盟宪法草案遭拒的主因,也让欧洲怀疑论在欧洲大行其道。如果欧盟想繁荣昌盛远不止50年,那么,经济才是头等大事。

1:传说中,罗马城是最先由第一王罗穆卢斯于前753年建立的,罗马人相信自己是战神玛尔斯,特洛依战士Aeneid的后代。罗穆卢斯和其兄弟瑞摩斯在神话里被认为是由狼养大的,而两人长大后罗穆卢斯为了命名罗马城的权力而将瑞摩斯杀死,随后建立了以罗穆卢斯命名的罗马城。罗马城的建立标志着王政时代的开始。
在托里斯·奥斯蒂吕斯王的时代,罗马和毗连的城镇阿尔巴(Alba)经常打仗,使得老百姓饱受困苦。托里斯·奥斯蒂吕斯和阿尔巴的国王Mettius Fuffetius下决心要停止斗争,但是为了决定哪个城市的国王得到最高地位,Mettius Fuffetius提出了这样一个办法:让几个士兵搏斗,哪个城市的士兵获得胜利,那个城市的国王将成为最高君主。
恰好,罗马和阿尔巴两个地方各有一对三胞胎,而且罗马的三胞胎(他们被名为“Horatii”)和阿尔巴的三胞胎(“Curiatii”)同时出生。因此,托里斯和Mettius选了这两对三胞胎作为各自城市的代表。
比赛开始不久,两个Horatii已经死了,幸存的那个Horatius幸亏没有受伤,而Curiatii兄弟一个也没有死但各个受不同程度的伤。幸存的Horatius装作逃亡,Curiatii兄弟中了他的计追赶他,但因为他们受不同的伤,有的跑得快,有的跑得慢,他们无法同时赶上Horatius。因此Horatius不必一对三和他们斗,他分开和每一个打仗,把他们逐一杀掉。
这样,罗马获得了胜利,托里斯·奥斯蒂吕斯也成为阿尔巴的君主。

2:空椅危机:196546月,法国与欧共体其他成员国在农业和共同体超国家组织的扩权问题上发生了严重的分歧。德、意等成员国提议把共同体内部的决策机制从一致通过改变为多数赞成。戴高乐坚决反对这项提议,认为引入多数赞成机制将损害大国的独立性。1965630,在轮值主席国法国的主持下,欧共体理事会在布鲁塞尔开会讨论这项建议,但会议持续到第二天凌晨也未能达成一致,结果法国同其他所有成员国关系都搞僵了。无奈之下,主持会议的法国外长莫里斯·顾夫·德姆维尔宣布无限期休会。随后戴高乐召回了法国在共同体常设代表委员会的代表,全面实施缺席抵制政策,在以后7个月的时间里,法国代表没有参加任何欧共体会议,从而引发了持续半年之久的空椅危机。由于法国的缺席,欧共体举行的会议无法做出共同决策,使欧共体几乎陷入瘫痪。在法国的无声抗议下,其他成员国终于屈服了。19661月,欧共体与法国达成了妥协,其他成员国都做出让步,实际上答应了法国的要求,同意法国提出的决策机制的全体一致原则。

320世纪80年代,英国人均收入低于欧共体平均水平,属"穷国"之列,但从欧共体预算中分到的农业补贴又最少。时任首相的撒切尔夫人经过艰苦谈判,终于在1984年与各成员国达成协议,将英国所负担的预算与其从预算中分配到的资金差额的23返还给英国,这部分退还的资金也就是我们所说的"回款"。按照该协定,1997-2003年期间,英国从欧盟得到的回款每年为46亿欧元,在未来的2007-2013年中每年将达到7l亿欧元。
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发表于 2010-4-28 20:29 | 显示全部楼层
论坛程序问题,字体莫名其妙的乱了,大家将就着看吧,我也没有办法...
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发表于 2010-4-28 21:09 | 显示全部楼层
狼兄辛苦了,我回来好好看。呵呵。
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发表于 2010-4-28 21:49 | 显示全部楼层
打印下来 路上慢慢的看 ^_^
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发表于 2010-4-28 22:29 | 显示全部楼层
欧盟:五十知天命

译得好,赞:lol
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发表于 2010-4-28 23:09 | 显示全部楼层
罗森堡——卢森堡,呵呵
发表一项——发表一份弘扬欧盟价值和成就的响亮宣言
欧洲委员会主席的贾克•戴勒斯(Jacques Delors)——狼兄,我看得版本是德劳
1951年成立的欧洲钢铁共同体演变成了——应该是煤钢共同体
原本计划于1980年代建立的单一市场,到现在仍然在进行。——原本计划与1980年代建立的统一市场,到现在仍处筹建阶段。
不过,正如美国政府使用宪法的州际商务条款扩展自身权利
不过,正如。。。。。。。那样,呵呵。
以便让欧盟能将职能延伸到——狼兄,好像没有这种说法吧
以便能让欧盟的触角延伸到。。。。。。

a common foreign policy——共同外交政策
A common EU foreign policy是欧盟的《共同外交政策》,它与另外两项政策并称为欧洲三大支柱。
common foreign policy欧盟对外政策当中一项重要的内容——共同外交政策,与共同防务政策合称为共同外交与安全政策(Common Foreign and Security Policy,简称CFSP),是欧盟的三根支柱中的第二根,马斯特里赫特条约第5部分规定了其内容,欧盟国家之所以要建立CFSP,一大目的就在于想在对外事务上用一个声音说话,以联合的力量来抗衡美国的单极霸权,作为一个合格的国际关系行为体,拥有成熟的对外政策是一个重要条件,因此欧盟这些年来通过阿约,尼斯条约,圣马诺宣言和彼德堡宣言等等举措试图加强CFSP,但总是收效甚微。欧盟的CFSP虽然通过一系列的制度创制和改进,地位和作用得到了一定的加强,也开始取得国际影响力。

实施司法和内政政策——大哥,我知道你没有翻译错误,不过我觉得应该适当加一些东西,比如,实施(共同的)司法和内政政策

in deep crisis 深处严重危机的
以及意义重大的与土耳其的谈判——大哥调整一下语气吧

依据第56号的民意调查报告书(56 Eurobarometer)

欧盟民调处(Eurobarometer)
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发表于 2010-4-28 23:49 | 显示全部楼层
多谢ROBIN的意见,已经做了修改.

部分地方还是保留了自己的看法...
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