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[经济学人] [2009.4.16] The trouble with the king 泰王之扰

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发表于 2010-4-28 22:13 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
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The trouble with the king
泰王之扰


Apr 16th 2009
From The Economist print edition


Nobody can say it in public, but the Thai monarchy, invisible during the latest crisis, is at its heart
没人可以在公开场合这样说,然而在这场危机中隐匿在人们视线之外的泰国君主制却是危机的症结所在。


Illustration by M. Morgenstern


SOMETHING of a hopeful trajectory was implied in The Economist’s report on the Friday coup of 1932. As Latin American countries replaced one junta with another, and as fascists moved Japan towards tyranny, our correspondent wrote (see article): “The Siamese revolutionaries are moving in the opposite direction—from absolute monarchy towards self-government.” Seizing power with no loss of life, a group of Westernised military officers had arrested the heir to the throne and the chief of police. The king had little choice but to accept the fait accompli: power was henceforth to devolve from an absolute monarchy to a parliamentary constitution. The feudal era was over.

本刊在对1932年泰国星期五政变的报道中暗示政变后或许会出现一种包含希望的发展轨迹。那时军人集团在拉美国家交替上台,法西斯分子将日本推向暴政,于是我们的记者这样写道(见文章):“暹罗革命党人正朝着相反的方向走——即从君主专制向自治过渡。”以不流血的方式夺权的这批西方化的军官们逮捕了王位继承人和警察总监。国王别无选择只能接受既成事实:即权力自此将从君主专制移交给议会制定的宪法。封建时代结束了。

If the correspondent had in mind something like the Dutch monarchy off shopping on their bicycles, in Thailand that vision got hijacked on the way to the supermarket. Today King Bhumibol Adulyadej, at 81 the world’s longest-reigning monarch, has actually accrued power over the years, and remains central to Thailand’s political chaos. This helps explain one bizarre episode among many in the country’s latest crisis. At a time when large-scale bloodshed seemed possible as the army confronted anti-government “red shirt” protesters in Bangkok, Thaksin Shinawatra, the prime minister deposed in a coup in 2006, gave a television interview. His voice quaking with emotion, and doubtless recalling the king’s famous televised carpeting of an army chief and a protest leader after a massacre in Bangkok in 1992, he beseeched “his majesty” to intervene again to end the showdown.

如果这位记者当时脑海中的情景是泰王像荷兰王室成员一样骑车上街购物的话,(当时代发展到购物去超市时)泰王就在去超市途中被劫持了。泰国国王普密蓬•阿杜德,这位81岁高龄的目前世界上在位时间最长的君主,多年以来一直积累手中的权力,并仍然是泰国政治动乱的关键所在。这有助于解释该国最近危机中许多怪事中的其中一件。当军队与反政府“红衫军”示威者在曼谷对峙,大规模流血似乎成为可能的时候,在2006年政变中被赶下台的前总理他信•西那瓦接受了一次电视采访。带着饱含感情的颤抖嗓音,他信无疑是回忆起了1992年曼谷大屠杀后那次著名的电视直播的国王训斥陆军司令和一位示威领袖的情景,因此他请求“陛下”再次干预以结束这场政治摊牌。

Yet Mr Thaksin, in exile and convicted in absentia of corruption, is accused by his opponents of being a closet republican. And he has indeed come close to criticising the palace, by demanding the resignation of two of the king’s privy councillors, widely assumed to be behind the 2006 coup. When “yellow shirt” protesters laid siege to the government led by Mr Thaksin’s loyalists late last year, they did so invoking the king’s name. Yet now even Mr Thaksin felt obliged to profess again his loyalty to the king, and to pay homage to his power.

然而,处于流亡状态并且被缺席审判犯有贪污罪的他信被他的反对者指控为一个暗藏的共和主义者。而他信要求两位国王的枢密院顾问——他俩被普遍认为是2006年政变的幕后推手——辞职的行为也确实接近于是在批评王室。去年当“黄衫军”示威者包围由他信忠实追随者领导的政府的时候,他们是打着国王的名义。但是现在即使是他信本人也感到有必要再次宣称对国王的忠诚,并向王权致敬。

Such regal influence was far from preordained when the king came to the throne as a stripling, the American-born son of a half-Chinese commoner. He and his image were moulded by palace advisers and by successive military governments. They saw how useful it would be to have a figurehead depicted as not merely beyond reproach but very nearly divine, for the king’s blessing could then legitimise what otherwise would look awfully like any old Latin American junta, in Thailand’s case backed by business cronies and the Bangkok elite. The need helps explain why a king held supposedly in wonder by his subjects warrants one of the world’s most draconian laws against lèse-majesté. The king has been not just a figurehead for Thailand’s elites, but a source of patronage and power in his own right, with destabilising consequences, especially now his reign is in its fumbling twilight. He has long bestowed honours in exchange for donations to his good causes. The causes may benefit his beloved rural poor, but the patronage system perpetuates royal influence.

这样一种帝王的威信远不是在普密蓬国王登基之时就注定的,当时还是个毛头小伙的他不过是个有着一半中国血统的平民的在美国出生的儿子(这里说的平民指的是普密蓬国王的母亲Sangwan Talabhat,她的父亲也就是普密蓬的外公是个华侨金匠。正因为其母没有贵族头衔,因此普密蓬1927年12月5日在美国麻省坎布里奇出生时,他在等级森严的泰国宫廷中排位很低,仅仅比最低级的王子高一等。只有到了1935年普密蓬的亲哥哥阿南达·玛希敦被立为泰国国王后,普密蓬的地位才升到最高级的王子——译者注)。他和他的形象都是由宫廷顾问和历届军人政府塑造出来的。他们深知这么一个不仅无可指摘而且近乎于神的首领是多么有用,因为国王的庇佑能够用来合法化那些否则看上去将同拉美军人集团如出一辙的政府,具体到泰国就是商业寡头们和曼谷的精英分子们。这种需要有助于解释为什么这么一位本该被他的臣民们奉若神明的国王却授权了世界上最严酷的针对冒犯君主罪的法律。国王不仅是泰国精英分子们的首领,他本身也是一种庇护和权力的源泉,这带来了破坏稳定的结果,尤其是考虑到眼下他的统治已经到了垂暮之际。他长期以来一直用授予荣誉头衔来换取对他的慈善事业的捐赠。这些事业或许使他那些生活在农村地区的臣民获益,但是庇护制度也使得皇家影响力得以长久地延续。

Mr Thaksin’s innovation was to use the impressively democratic constitution Thailand adopted in 1997 to invent a new politics that transformed the old system of retail, local, vote-buying into a wholesale machine that spread patronage nationwide. Policies of universal health care, microcredit and the like only strengthened the machine. Thus Mr Thaksin became the only prime minister in Thailand’s fitful democratic history to serve out his full term. But the old elite felt threatened as his autocratic leadership and popularity seemed to challenge the king’s authority.

他信的创新在于他利用泰国1997年颁布实行的令人印象深刻的民主宪法发明了一种新的政治,从而把那种陈旧的零碎而局限于当地的贿选行为转变为大规模的将庇护制度普及到全国的贿选机器。诸如全民医疗和小额信贷之类的政策更强化了这架机器。他信由此成为了泰国断断续续的民主史上唯一一位满任期在位的总理。但是当他信的专制领导和威信似乎挑战国王权威的时候,那些旧精英分子们感觉受到了威胁。

Thai culture blends Buddhism, spirit beliefs and rampant materialism. Power and potency come in many fluid forms. But as Andrew Walker and Nicholas Farrelly of Australian National University put it, Thailand’s elite is less conceptually adroit, calculating power in zero-sum terms. The junta that ousted Mr Thaksin claimed his policies flouted the king’s notions of a “sufficiency economy”, rooted in traditional notions of harmonious village life and perfect hierarchy, which they then incorporated into a new constitution. The junta, quickly making a mess of governing, allowed an election. But convenient court rulings helped bring down two successive pro-Thaksin governments.

泰国文化综合了佛教、精神信仰和盛行的唯物主义。权力和力量可以有很多种不固定的形式。但是就像澳大利亚国立大学的Andrew Walker和Nicholas Farrelly所说的那样,泰国的精英对待概念不够灵活,他们将权力算计成零和游戏。将他信赶下台的军人集团声称他的政策嘲弄了国王提出的植根于传统和谐乡村生活思想的“自足经济”概念,并将这个概念写入了新宪法。军人集团很快就把国家治理得一团糟,于是只能允许举行大选。但是方便的法庭判决帮助他们搞垮了连续两届亲他信的政府。

Abhisit’s chance
阿披实的机会


Mr Thaksin’s wealth has been impounded. And his call, at the height of the crisis, for a revolution is now viewed by many Thais as criminally irresponsible. So Mr Thaksin is on the back foot. But the monarchy may be in deeper trouble. Some red shirts this week lamented that, if King Bhumibol is against the leader they keep voting for, he must be against them too. The king is old and frail. His successor, Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn—spoilt, oft-wed and demanding—is much disliked. The monarchy’s carefully fostered image could crumble overnight.

他信的财富已经被没收了。而他在危机高潮时发动一场革命的呼吁现在被很多泰国人看作是不负责任的犯罪行为。因此他信现在处于下风。但是君主制面临的麻烦或许更大。本周一些红衫军哀叹说,如果普密蓬国王反对他们不断投票支持的领导人,那么国王一定也反对他们。国王眼下老迈而体弱,而他的继承人,王储哇集拉隆功——一个被惯坏的、妻妾成群的、要求繁多的家伙——很不讨人喜欢。精心美化出来的君主制的形象可能会在一夜间分崩离析。

Protecting it is partly the task of Abhisit Vejjajiva, Thailand’s present prime minister. He rode to office, unelected, thanks to the yellow shirts. Mr Abhisit says he is a reformer, who will heal divisions. He handled the red-shirt chaos with firm restraint. The king, it is said, has taken rather a shine to the 44-year-old, schooled at Eton and Oxford. Our correspondent in 1932 would have put him firmly among the “rather exotic Westernised intelligentsia” in the post-coup government. He would doubtless have relished the paradox that such an urbane, cosmopolitan figure is now the front for a regime that in essence owes its power to a feudal monarchy. Mr Abhisit lacks both influence and legitimacy. To earn both, he will need to face the voters. Indebted to the royalists who brought him to power, he is unlikely to encourage debate on the monarchy’s future. But if he did so, Thailand and perhaps the royal family itself would have reason to thank him in the long run. In its present role, the monarchy is standing between Thailand and not just political harmony, but modernity itself.

维护君主制形象的任务就部分落在了泰国现任总理阿披实肩上。由于黄衫军的示威,他未经大选就坐上了总理宝座。阿披实说他将会是一个弥合分歧的改革者。他极其克制地处理了红衫军骚乱。据说国王看中了这位曾就读于伊顿公学和牛津大学,年方44岁的总理。若是把他放到1932年,我们的记者会坚定地将他列为政变后的政府中“相当与众不同的西方化知识分子”行列。而他本人也肯定品尝到了一种自相矛盾的事实,即这样一位彬彬有礼而无狭隘偏见的人物现在却领导着一个权力实质上来源于封建君主制的政权。阿披实缺乏影响力和合法性,若要获得这两样东西,他需要面对选民们。由于欠了将他抬上总理宝座的保皇分子一份情,他不可能鼓励任何关于君主制未来的辩论。但是如果他能这么做的话,泰国或许还有王室本身最后将有理由感谢他。以其目前的角色,君主制不光是横跨在泰国和政治和谐之间的障碍,更阻碍了泰国走向现代本身。
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发表于 2010-4-28 22:43 | 显示全部楼层
阁下的水平确实很高,由于之前一段儿,破事儿繁多,以致LZ的文章冷落了这么久,敬请见谅,和LZ交流一下:

1、第二段的“那么在泰国这一脑海中的景象就在前往超市途中被劫持了”
个人感觉有点儿不太明白意思,LZ的意思是:泰国的君主制被劫持了吧?

2、第二段的“大规模流血似乎成为可能的时候”

这句阁下翻得肯定没错,不过个人觉得有点儿别扭吧,个人觉得翻成“不可避免”可能好点儿,不知LZ的看法是?

3、第八段的“阿披实说他是一个弥合分歧的改革者”

个人感觉调成:他将是一个弥合分歧的改革者,可能好点儿

4、第八段的“我们的记者会鉴定地将他列为政变后的政府中相当与众不同的西方化知识分子行列”

不太对吧,是不是坚定地?


LZ
的文章确实是高水平,以我有限的水平,也就找出这么几个不妥的地方,当然,估计我的理解有误,希望能和阁下探讨一二,望您不吝赐教哦!
另外,LZ的头像很帅,拿破仑对天一指!
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发表于 2010-4-28 23:13 | 显示全部楼层
我来插一嘴:lol
SOMETHING of a hopeful trajectory was implied in The Economist’s report on the Friday coup of 1932. As Latin American countries replaced one junta with another, and as fascists moved Japan towards tyranny, our correspondent wrote (see article): “The Siamese revolutionaries are moving in the opposite direction—from absolute monarchy towards self-government.” Seizing power with no loss of life, a group of Westernised military officers had arrested the heir to the throne and the chief of police. The king had little choice but to accept the fait accompli: power was henceforth to devolve from an absolute monarchy to a parliamentary constitution. The feudal era was over.

本刊在对1932年泰国星期五政变的报道中暗示政变可能是一种包含希望的发展轨迹。那时军人集团在拉美国家交替上台,法西斯分子将日本推向暴政,于是我们的记者这样写道(见文章):“暹罗革命党人正朝着相反的方向走——即从君主专制向自治过渡。”以不流血的方式夺权的这批西方化的军官们逮捕了王位继承人和警察总监。国王别无选择只能接受既成事实:即权力自此将从君主专制移交给议会制定的宪法。封建时代结束了。
政变只能是一条轨迹中的某一点,不会是轨迹本身。
试译:本刊在对1932年泰国星期五政变的报道中暗示政变随后的发展态势会是良性的。
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发表于 2010-4-28 23:43 | 显示全部楼层
我来插一手:lol
If the correspondent had in mind something like the Dutch monarchy off shopping on their bicycles, in Thailand that vision got hijacked on the way to the supermarket. Today King Bhumibol Adulyadej, at 81 the world’s longest-reigning monarch, has actually accrued power over the years, and remains central to Thailand’s political chaos. This helps explain one bizarre episode among many in the country’s latest crisis. At a time when large-scale bloodshed seemed possible as the army confronted anti-government “red shirt” protesters in Bangkok, Thaksin Shinawatra, the prime minister deposed in a coup in 2006, gave a television interview. His voice quaking with emotion, and doubtless recalling the king’s famous televised carpeting of an army chief and a protest leader after a massacre in Bangkok in 1992, he beseeched “his majesty” to intervene again to end the showdown.

如果这位记者当时脑海中想到的是荷兰君主制骑着自行车出去购物的话,那么在泰国这一脑海中的景象就在前往超市途中被劫持了。泰国国王普密蓬•阿杜德,这位81岁高龄的目前世界上在位时间最长的君主,多年以来一直积累手中的权力,并仍然是泰国政治动乱的关键所在。这有助于解释该国最近危机中许多怪事中的其中一件。当军队与反政府“红衫军”示威者在曼谷对峙,大规模流血似乎成为可能的时候,在2006年政变中被赶下台的前总理他信•西那瓦接受了一次电视采访。带着饱含感情的颤抖嗓音,他信无疑是回忆起了1992年曼谷大屠杀后那次著名的电视直播的国王训斥陆军司令和一位示威领袖的情景,因此他请求“陛下”再次干预以结束这场政治摊牌。
monarchy这里是皇亲国戚,皇室成员
试译:如果这位记者当时脑海中的情景是泰王像荷兰那些皇室成员一样骑车上街购物的话,(当时代发展到购物去超市时),泰王在去超市的途中被劫持。
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发表于 2010-4-29 00:13 | 显示全部楼层
建议很好,这段译文你比我译得到位。非常感谢。
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发表于 2010-4-29 00:43 | 显示全部楼层
这里我还是坚持译成“包含希望的发展轨迹”,不过我采纳你把状语改为政变后的处理方法。
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发表于 2010-4-29 01:13 | 显示全部楼层
1、第二段的“那么在泰国这一脑海中的景象就在前往超市途中被劫持了”个人感觉有点儿不太明白意思,LZ的意思是:泰国的君主制被劫持了吧?
这段译文感谢eastx的指正我已经修改。
2、第二段的“大规模流血似乎成为可能的时候”这句阁下翻得肯定没错,不过个人觉得有点儿别扭吧,个人觉得翻成“不可避免”可能好点儿,不知LZ的看法是?
原文是seemed possible,这跟不可避免的程度还差得很远。
3、第八段的“阿披实说他是一个将弥合分歧的改革者”个人感觉调成:他将是一个弥合分歧的改革者,可能好点儿
甚好。
4、第八段的“我们的记者会鉴定地将他列为政变后的政府中“相当与众不同的西方化知识分子”行列”不太对吧,是不是坚定地?
输入时打错了。
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