大家论坛

 找回密码
 注册
查看: 948|回复: 6

[经济学人] [2007.8.23]Lexington: How mighty is the Penn?

[复制链接]

194

主题

8275

帖子

3万

金币

大家网博士后

Rank: 22Rank: 22Rank: 22Rank: 22

积分
20511
发表于 2010-4-28 22:49 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
Lexington 列克星敦
How mighty is the Penn? 潘恩先生,力量几何?

Aug 23rd 2007
From The Economist print edition

Is there another Karl Rove waiting in the wings? 还有另一名卡尔•罗夫在幕后伺机而动?

Illustration by Kevin Kallaugher

A VICTORY lap it wasn't. Karl Rove, who last week announced that he is quitting as George Bush's chief adviser, was all over the political talk shows last weekend. He landed a few punches on the Democrats in general and Hillary Clinton (“fatally flawed”) in particular. But he spent much of his time on the back foot—fending off criticisms of Mr Bush's administration and his own attempt to build a Republican majority. It will all look much better in the light of history, he argued.
那并不是获胜后的绕场一圈。上周请辞布什总统首席顾问的卡尔•罗夫在周末参加了各大政论节目的讨论。他数度抨击了民主党整体和希拉里(“存在致命的缺点”)个人。不过,他以自卫辩护之势,费时良久地抵御针对布什政府以及他构建“共和党多数”的努力的批评。他宣称,这一切从历史的角度看会好得多。

All very interesting. But even as Mr Rove defended his achievements, Washington's attention was turning to the question of who will replace him. Not as adviser to Mr Bush; most politicos have given the president up as a lost cause. But who among the plentiful new crop of advisers to would-be presidents will be pre-eminent? Who will design a winning campaign? Who will reshape the political landscape? And how will the new Rove differ from the old Rove?
一切都趣味盎然。然而,正当罗夫先生捍卫自己的政绩之际,华盛顿的注意力已逐渐转向他的替代者了。不过,这位继任者却并非布什先生的顾问——许多政治家认为他穷途末路,已然弃之而去。但是,在诸位总统候选人为数众多的谋士当中,谁会是出类拔萃的呢?谁将策划一场胜利的选战?谁将重构美国的政治生态?新旧罗夫之间区别何在?

One candidate stands head and shoulders above all the others: Mrs Clinton's chief strategist, Mark Penn. This is not just because Mrs Clinton is probably the favourite to win the presidency. It is also because Mr Penn is a compelling  figure in his own right—a polling genius who has established a huge influence over Mrs Clinton's campaign. Mr Penn is responsible for crafting her political image. He also advises her on everything from long-term strategy to crisis management. Little happens in Hillaryland without Mr Penn's say-so.
有一位策士脱颖而出:希拉里的首席战略顾问马克•潘恩(Mark Penn)。这不仅是因为希拉里最有可能当选总统,也由于潘恩先生天生就令人信服——一个对希拉里的竞选活动影响巨大的民调天才。潘恩先生负责塑造她的政治形象。从长期战略到危机处理,他在所有事务上为她出谋划策。没有潘恩先生点头同意,“希拉里地带”(希拉里的助手——译者注)难有大的举措。

There are striking similarities between the new Rove (53) and the old (56). They are both masters of demographic trends and poll data. They are both fixated on the possibility of realigning chunks of the electorate—Latinos in Mr Rove's case, suburban mothers in Mr Penn's. They both like peering into the future. Mr Rove made much of the fact that the president won 97 of the 100 fastest-growing counties  in 2004. Mr Penn, who is no fan of Democrats who dream of recreating the New Deal coalition, is about to publish a book, “Microtrends: the Small Forces Behind Tomorrow's Big Changes”.
新(53)旧(56)罗夫之间存在着惊人的相似之处。他们都是人口趋势和民调数据的专家,都注重于重组大量选民——罗夫先生关注拉丁裔选民,而潘恩先生则聚焦城郊的母亲选民——的可能性,而且都喜欢放眼未来。2004年,罗夫先生大力协助布什总统在100个发展最快的县当中赢得了97个。潘恩先生并不支持梦想重建新政(New Deal)联盟的民主党人,他即将出版一本书:《微观趋势:明日大变革背后的小力量》。

They both believe that the Democrats' biggest vulnerability  lies in national security. Mr Rove kept insisting this weekend that national security might provide the Republicans with the one issue that they can use to win in 2008. Mr Penn has fought hard to persuade Mrs Clinton not to apologise for voting in favour of the war in Iraq. He believes that this would send a message of weakness, and allow the Republicans to begin to reopen the national-security gap.
他们都相信民主党的最大弱点在于国家安全方面。罗夫先生本周末反复坚称国家安全可以成为共和党利用来赢得2008年大选的议题。潘恩先生竭尽全力想要说服希拉里无需为投票支持伊拉克战争道歉。他相信,这可能会暴露弱点,并且让共和党人再次借国家安全炒作(两党的)区隔。

The Clinton-Penn campaign also has some striking similarities to the Bush-Rove campaign of 2000. Mr Penn was there from the very beginning: he first got to know the Clintons in 1995 and managed Mrs Clinton's Senate campaigns in 2000 and 2006. He has put a premium on the “inevitability factor”—swatting aside Democratic doubters who worry that she is too polarising and cluster-bombing turncoats like David Geffen who back Barack Obama. And Mr Penn has a Rove-like enthusiasm for micromanaging as many details of the campaign as he can.
希拉里-潘恩的选战和2000年布什-罗夫的选战之间也惊人地相似。潘恩先生在1995年初识克林顿夫妇,并于2000年和2006年两度指挥希拉里的参议院选战:他一路走来追随左右。他重视“必然性因素”,大力挡开持怀疑态度的民主党人(他们担心希拉里会产生过大的分裂影响)和大卫• 格芬(David Geffen,现倒戈支持巴拉克• 奥巴马)等集束轰炸的叛变者。和罗夫一样,潘恩先生也热衷于对巨细靡遗的选战细节事必躬亲。

The power of the centre 中间路线的力量

The big difference between the two lies in their political philosophy. Mr Penn is a committed centrist who thinks elections are won by wooing swing voters rather than revving up the base. He is happiest with the politics of “triangulation” (ie, poaching supposedly Republican issues) and with micro-issues that are heavy on symbolism, such as school uniforms. He is a visceral foe of the politics of class war as sometimes practised by Bob Shrum, who lost all eight of the presidential campaigns he worked on.
新旧罗夫之间的明显区别在于他们的政治观点。潘恩先生是个坚定忠诚的中间派人士,他认为胜选需要靠拉拢中间选民而非巩固基本盘来实现。他对“三角策略”(例如盗用所谓的共和党议题)和校服等极具象征意义的小议题的操弄手法青睐有加,而对鲍勃•施鲁姆(Bob Shrum,打输了自己负责的所有8次的总统选战)不时摆弄阶层斗争的手段深恶痛绝。

Mr Penn's centrism is partly a matter of personal sympathies. His strongest ties are to conservative Democrats. He cut his teeth working for Ed Koch in New York. He worked closely with the Democratic Leadership Council, and more generally with the so-called “national security” Democrats. He has a long record as a friend of Israel and as an advocate of regime change in Iraq. He helped to run Joe Lieberman's campaign in 2004.
潘恩先生的中间路线在一定程度上源于个人的政治信仰。他和民主党保守派的关系最为牢靠;最初的从政生涯是在纽约为艾德•科切(Ed Koch,纽约前市长——译者注)工作;和民主党领袖委员会(Democratic Leadership Council)紧密合作;与所谓的“国家安全”民主党人广泛协作。长期以来,他对以色列态度友好,而且拥护伊拉克的政权更迭。他在2004年为乔•利伯曼(Joe Lieberman)助选。

It is also a matter of self-interest. Mr Penn is the very embodiment of the Washington-business nexus. The WPP Group, a public-relations giant, turned him into a multimillionaire when it bought his consulting firm in 2001. It then made him chief executive of one of its subdivisions, Burson-Marsteller, in 2005. Burson-Marsteller is a global behemoth with 100 offices in 59 countries, annual revenues of around $300m, and some of the world's biggest companies among its clients.
这一路线也与他的私利有关。潘恩先生切实地体现了华府与商界的关系。2001年,大型公关公司WPP集团收购了他经营的咨询公司,这使他成为千万富翁。2005年,WPP任命他担任集团下属的一家分公司博雅公关(Burson-Marsteller)的行政总裁。博雅公关是一家全球大型企业,在59个国家拥有100多个办事处,年收入将近3亿美元,其客户群包括一些全球最大型的公司。

This suggests another difference: there is little chance that Mr Penn will try to wield Rove-sized influence over a Clinton White House. This would hardly be a sensible thing to attempt, given that Mrs Clinton's closest and smartest political adviser is her husband. But Mr Penn also has far too much on his plate. Mr Rove was single-mindedly focused on his master's political career (and, indeed, Mr Bush forced him to sell his direct-mailing company in 1999 in order to avoid any possible conflict of interest). Mr Penn continues to run Burson-Marsteller and to manage its Microsoft account himself. Conflict of interest be damned.
这显示了另一个不同点:潘恩先生不太可能会对希拉里执掌的白宫产生罗夫一样的影响力。这么做也不明智,因为希拉里最亲密且最精明的政治顾问是她的丈夫。不过,潘恩先生的利益空间极大。罗夫先生一心一意地专注于布什的政治生涯(为避免任何可能的利益冲突,布什先生的确迫使他在1999年出售了自己经营的直邮行销公司)。潘恩先生则继续运营博雅公关,而且管理着公司的微软账户。该死的利益冲突。

This all sounds like a formula for success: a brilliant pollster who will steer his candidate to the centre but who will not try to turn an election victory into a White House empire. Perhaps it will be. But Mr Penn may have a weakness of his own—his umbilical ties to business interests and his visceral distaste for anything that smells of populism. The left already regards him as exemplifying everything that is wrong with the Democratic establishment. Continued economic problems may intensify resentment of the Beltway fat cats. Mr Rove eventually fell because he tried to change American politics too much. Mr Penn's biggest problem—and perhaps Mrs Clinton's too—is that he wants to change too little.
这一切听起来像是成功的策略:出色的民调专家引导自己助选的总统候选人走向中间路线,但不会试图利用胜选构建白宫帝国。事态或许将会如此。但是,潘恩先生可能有自己的弱点——与商业利益割舍不断的联系和对任何带有民粹色彩的事物根深蒂固的厌恶。左派已然认为,他代表了所有和民主党立党原则背道而驰的观点。存留的经济问题或可加剧华府政治权贵对他的嫌怨。罗夫先生试图过多地改变美国政治,最终因此垮台。潘恩先生(或许也是希拉里)最大的问题是他想改变的东西太少了。
回复

使用道具 举报

206

主题

8342

帖子

3万

金币

大家网博士后

Rank: 22Rank: 22Rank: 22Rank: 22

积分
20688
发表于 2010-4-28 23:14 | 显示全部楼层
几点个人意见:

most politicos have given the president up as a lost cause
许多政治家认为他穷途末路,已然弃之而去
--------------------
这里指的应是布什.

County: 州之下的郡,通常包括若干城市及周边郊区,应该相当于“地区”一级的划分。

But Mr Penn also has far too much on his plate.
不过,潘恩先生的利益空间极大。
-------------------------------
而且,潘恩先生自己的事务已经够繁重了。

Conflict of interest be damned.
--------------------------------------
“利益冲突” 的顾忌真该死 (逼得他们2人不是丢掉公司就是要放弃对白宫的政治影响)
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

228

主题

8138

帖子

3万

金币

大家网博士后

Rank: 22Rank: 22Rank: 22Rank: 22

积分
20345
发表于 2010-4-28 23:39 | 显示全部楼层
几点个人意见:

most politicos have given the president up as a lost cause
许多政治家认为他穷途末路,已然弃之而去
--------------------
这里指的应是布什.

County: 州之下的郡,通常包括若干城市 ...

多谢指正:lol ,些许拙见,一并呈上,呵呵:

关于most politicos...lost cause,这里确实指布什,我没想到译文会产生歧义。看来这里应该把“他”明确成“布什”为好。

关于county,牛津词典(在线版)对于county一词的解释中,第二条是(US) a political and administrative division of a state。我手头用的外研社《多功能词典》也细分了三个词条,前面两条的此文分别是:
1.(美)县(州state以下最大的行政区域名,但在路易斯安那州Louisiana译成parish)
2.(英)郡(最大的地方行政区域;相当于中国的省)(郡名称法:the County of York或Yorkshire)

我个人的印象中,“郡”确实多用于英国。下午我查阅一下陆氏英汉大辞典。

关于:But Mr Penn also has far too much on his plate.我认为这里说的并不只是他“任务繁重”。plate是餐盘,可以引申为“利益”。下文提到,罗夫为了避嫌而被迫出售了公司,但潘恩先生目前却还经营着博雅公关。这显然是说,相对于罗夫,虽然潘恩无法对希拉里可能的未来政府实施类似于罗夫对布什政府一样的影响力,但至少还有充分的商业利益可以享有。

关于Conflict of interest be damned.这句话我还没想明白为什么用be damned。skittos兄的译文目前看来是很合适的,不过我想还是多求教一下各地方家,生怕这里会有我们没想到的别的意思。
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

207

主题

8178

帖子

3万

金币

大家网博士后

Rank: 22Rank: 22Rank: 22Rank: 22

积分
20441
发表于 2010-4-29 00:04 | 显示全部楼层
:lol 布什还要顾忌罗夫的利益冲突问题

希拉里夫妇可不在乎这个,去他X的利益冲突.

:lol 这么翻译差不多吧
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

283

主题

8135

帖子

3万

金币

大家网博士后

Rank: 22Rank: 22Rank: 22Rank: 22

积分
20369
发表于 2010-4-29 00:29 | 显示全部楼层
也查了一些资料,关于county, 你的译法没错。我对应成省“州”下面一级应该是“地区”了.:)这里有不少信息,看得眼花缭乱。http://www.naco.org/Template.cfm?Section=About_Counties


has too much on one's plate/ have a lot on one's plate 是句惯用语,表示事务多到应接不暇的地步。

This suggests another difference: there is little chance that Mr Penn will try to wield Rove-sized influence over a Clinton White House. This would hardly be a sensible thing to attempt, given that Mrs Clinton's closest and smartest political adviser is her husband. But Mr Penn also has far too much on his plate. Mr Rove was single-mindedly focused on his master's political career (and, indeed, Mr Bush forced him to sell his direct-mailing company in 1999 in order to avoid any possible conflict of interest). Mr Penn continues to run Burson-Marsteller and to manage its Microsoft account himself. Conflict of interest be damned.
----------------------------
再试着自说自话一次就放弃。

(假如希拉里二进白宫的话)潘恩是不会象罗夫那样影响白宫的:一来因为希拉里已有自己精明的丈夫,二来因为潘恩自身也有庞大公司业务要运作(he also has far too much on his plate)。布什曾以“利益冲突”为由,逼着罗夫出售了自己经营的直邮行销公司,故罗夫只得一心一意地专注于布什的政治生涯;潘恩才不会那么干,为白宫丢弃自己的生意呢,所以,“利益冲突”之谈可以见鬼去了!:lol
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

270

主题

8133

帖子

3万

金币

大家网博士后

Rank: 22Rank: 22Rank: 22Rank: 22

积分
20155
发表于 2010-4-29 00:54 | 显示全部楼层
虚心接受,呵呵。:handshake
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

187

主题

8136

帖子

3万

金币

大家网博士后

Rank: 22Rank: 22Rank: 22Rank: 22

积分
20157
发表于 2010-4-29 01:19 | 显示全部楼层
冒昧点评一下哈~

1、He cut his teeth working for Ed Koch in New York翻译成“最初的从政生涯是在纽约为艾德•科切(Ed Koch,纽约前市长——译者注)工作”是否再推敲一下?
cut one's `teeth on sth = gain experience from sth 习语
意思是“从某事中获得经验.”

2、But Mr Penn also has far too much on his plate翻译成“不过,潘恩先生的利益空间极大”不妥
这也是个习语
have enough/a lot/too much on one's plate 有够多[很多/太多]的事要做
例如:
I can't help you at the moment -- I've far too much on my plate already. 我现在无法帮助你--我自己的事已经太多了

请参考。
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

您需要登录后才可以回帖 登录 | 注册

本版积分规则



诚聘英才|移动端|Archiver|版权声明|大家论坛 ( 京ICP备06071611号,京公网安备11010802018363号 )

GMT+8, 2019-11-20 20:07 , Processed in 0.137738 second(s), 7 queries , Redis On.

Powered by Discuz!

© Comsenz Inc.

快速回复 返回顶部 返回列表