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[经济学人] [2008.03.27]Anglo-Saxon attitudes 盎格鲁-撒克逊态度

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发表于 2010-4-28 22:48 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
Britain and America
Anglo-Saxon attitudes 盎格鲁-撒克逊态度
Mar 27th 2008
From Economist.com

Not such special friends 无比的密友
   

TO TURN over the supposed Anglo-American common ground carefully, The Economist commissioned pollsters at YouGov in Britain and Polimetrix in America—supported by additional funds from the Hoover Institution, a California think-tank—to find out what people in both places thought about a number of social, political and economic matters. A thousand people in each country were consulted between March 7th and 11th. Broadly, the differences between the two countries look more striking than the similarities.
为了仔细审视公认的英美之间的共同点,《经济学人》委托英国的YouGov和美国的 Polimetrix两家网站(Polimetrix由加利福尼亚智库斯坦福大学胡佛中心资助)发起了一项民意测验,探究两国人民对社会、政治、经济事务的各种看法。从3月7日到11日,两国各有1000人受访。大体上说,两国民众意见中分歧比共识更令人惊讶。
Like most west Europeans, Britons tend to have more left-wing views than Americans, but the first chart shows that this is often by a surprising margin. (“Left” and “right” are harder to locate than they were: here “left” implies a big-state, secular, socially liberal, internationalist and green outlook; right, the reverse.) The data are derived by subtracting left-wing answers from right-wing ones, for each country and for each main political grouping within each country. A net minus rating suggests predominantly left-wing views and a positive rating suggests a preponderance of right-wing views.
像大多数西欧人一样,大不列颠人民持有比美国人民更“左”的观点,而且如图所示,这种差距在很多方面都很大(当代的“左”与右的概念比原先更难定义:这里,“左”用来形容大国的、世俗化的、社会自由化的、国际主义的、绿色的观点;右,则与之相反)。数据得自用两国各自的每个政治群体中的右倾回答数减去“左”倾回答数。负值意味着“左”倾观点占优,正值表示右倾观点占优。
The gap between Britain and America is widest on religion: even British Conservatives are a great deal more secular than American Democrats are. The two are a bit closer on social values (abortion, homosexuality and so forth), and they overlap on ideology (mainly, how active the state should be), with Britain’s Tories to the right of America’s Democrats.
英美观念最大的差距体现在宗教上:即使英国保守党人也比美国民主党人更世俗。两者在社会价值观方面比较接近(对堕胎、同性恋等方面);在意识形态(主要是国家的作用)方面,托利党(译者注:保守党)人与美右翼民主党人意见相近。
They overlap again on how free their countries should be to intervene militarily (both the Tories and Labour are more hawkish than the Democrats). Britons are more international than the Americans, keener on free trade and globalisation. Views coincide most nearly on climate change—ironically, the area where the two governments have been least in step.
两国人民在国家进行军事干预的自由方面意见又出现了一致(英保守党和工党都比美民主党更鹰派)。英国人更具国际化意识,在自由贸易和全球化问题上也更积极。两国民众在气候变化问题上的意见几乎一致——令人讽刺的是,在此领域两国政府的姿态最为保留。
On five of the six groups of issues selected, American opinion is far more polarised than British (only nationalism seems to unite America’s left and right). Gone are the days when it was British politics that embraced political extremes and Americans looked on bemused. The gap between Republicans and Democrats is almost always far greater than that between Tories and (usually) Liberal Democrats. Lib Dem supporters are to the left of Labour on every broad category except the role of the state.
在调查所涉及的六个方面中的五个,美国人的观点更加分化(似乎只有国家利益能团结美国的“左”派和优派)。英国人政见极端,美国人稀里糊涂的日子一去不复返了。与托利党和(通常上)自由民主党的分歧相比,美共和党和民主党在各方面的政见分歧都更大。在除了国家应扮演的角色之外的各个领域,自由民主党的支持者比工党更“左”倾。
Such nuggets abound. Americans have a wider anti-big-business streak. Britons are cooler on multiculturalism. Britons are more willing than Americans to curb civil liberties in pursuit of security. Americans are less keen not only on the United Nations but also on NATO—and more enthusiastic about the “special relationship” with Britain. If the British could choose their leader from a host of recent Anglo-American greats, they would pick Bill Clinton before Tony Blair. So would Americans, even if they may turn down his wife. Of the current presidential candidates, British Tories would vote for Barack Obama; Labour supporters prefer Hillary Clinton by a narrow margin.
类似这样有趣的地方还有不少。美国人的意识广泛带有反大企业的色彩。英国人更能接纳多元文化。英国民众比美国人更愿意牺牲公民自由来换取安全。比起英国人,美国人对联合国甚至北约均持更加冷淡的态度,却更热衷于英美的“特殊关系”。如果让英国人从众多的英美伟人中选出他们的领袖,克林顿的排名要比布莱尔靠前。美国人也会这么选,即使克林顿曾做下对不起他老婆的事。在当下的美国总统候选人中,托利党选择奥巴马;工党中支持希拉里的人稍微多一些。
People in both places are worried about the economic future but still bullish on chances for bright kids from poor families. They feel much the same about the death penalty: they are broadly against it. Neither group is conspicuously thrilled by the idea of a Muslim president or prime minister.
两国人民都对经济形势表示担忧,却认为穷人家的聪明小孩仍拥有可观的发展机会。他们对死刑的意见相似:坚决反对。对穆斯林做他们的总统或首相的假想,两国人反应都不激烈。
Do the differences we found matter? They might, for the world order is changing and its components are up for review. Few agree on the nature, let alone the future, of the special relationship between Britain and America. For much of the past half-century Britain and America have mostly presented a common front on security and foreign affairs and more besides.
我们发现的这些差异有什么意义吗?也许有。这是因为世界秩序在不断变化,世界秩序的组成要素也需要重新审视。抛开英美“特殊关系”的未来不说,究其本质都很难让人们取得一致。在过去的半个多世纪中,英美在安全、外交事务等诸多方面大都站在同一阵营中。
No British premier bet more heavily on the special relationship than Mr Blair. He paid a heavy price for committing British troops to Iraq alongside Mr Bush’s, losing popularity at home and influence in Europe.
没有一位首相比布莱尔更加注重“特殊关系”。为了站在在国内和欧洲大失人心的布什一边,他出兵伊拉克,因而付出了沉重代价。
Walter Russell Mead, an American observer of foreign affairs, maintains that America and Britain act together so often not because they set out deliberately to do so but because they frequently reach similar conclusions on their own. “The family resemblance is so strong that even our most casual acquaintances can see that we are related,” he writes in “God and Gold”, a good recent book.
美国外交观察家沃尔特•拉塞尔•米德认为,美国和英国之所以能够如此经常的协同一致,并不是因为它们主动地这样做,而是因为它们经常对事情各自得出相同的结论。“家族相似性如此的有力以至于我们最不亲近的熟人都能看出我们是一家,”他在其新出版的一本好书《上帝与黄金》中写道。
Some sort of Anglo-Saxon particularity appears to exist; and complacent, even triumphant, America and Britain have urged on the rest of the world their own prescriptions: lightly-regulated capitalism red in tooth and claw at home, and military intervention where needed to promote democracy around the world. Both seem rather less than winning strategies these days.
某些盎格鲁-撒克逊特性看起来是存在的。美国和英国得意洋洋甚至欢喜鼓舞地将自己开的处方强加给其他国家:在国内,对血迹斑斑张牙舞爪的资本主义不加限制;在全球,以民主为名施加军事干预。
What next for the Anglo-Saxon alliance? In their fundamental attitudes—regarding religion, society, the role of the state—Britons are more similar to their western European neighbours (and Canadians) than they are to the United States. In foreign affairs and security matters, however, they usually stand somewhere between the two. Even though use of the term is said to be discouraged at the British Embassy in Washington, it is certainly too soon to write off the special relationship.
这个盎格鲁-撒克逊联盟接下去会怎么样呢?在它们根本的观念中——关于宗教、社会、国家角色——较之美国人,不列颠人与他们的欧洲邻居们更相似。然而在外交和安全事务方面,英国人经常站在两者中间。即使据说“特殊关系”一词不被英国驻美使馆鼓励使用,将这个词抹去还为时尚早。
Two research outfits in Washington, DC, the Pew Research Centre and the German Marshall Fund, conduct regular surveys on global attitudes. Andrew Kohut, the president of the Pew Research Centre, points out that, although enthusiasm for America has slipped since 2000, a majority of people in Britain, unlike those in the rest of the big countries in his survey, still give America a favourable rating overall: 51%, compared with 39% of French people and 30% of Germans. Americans are far warmer towards Britons (and Canadians) than towards their other allies.
华盛顿的两家研究机构佩尤研究中心和德国马歇尔基金会对全球观念进行了定期调查。佩尤研究中心主席安德鲁•科胡特指出,尽管自2000年以来英国人对美国的热情持续下降,依然有51%的英国人喜欢美国。相比之下,其他大国就不同了:法国只有39%,德国只有30%。比起在其他盟友那里,美国在英国(和加拿大)更受欢迎。
In polling for its 2007 Transatlantic Trends report, the German Marshall Fund found that whereas 74% of Americans believed that war is sometimes necessary to obtain justice, around 66% of Europeans thought the opposite. Britain echoed America: 59% agreed that military action may be justified in such circumstances.
德国马歇尔基金会的2007年度“大西洋彼岸趋势”调查报告显示, 74%的美国人认为战争是维护正义的必要手段,而66%的欧洲人却反对这种看法。英国则与美国遥相呼应:59%的人认为在某些情况下可以维护正义。
But John K. Glenn, who heads the project, believes that America and Europe are nonetheless converging on some issues, principally on the threats that face them. Europeans are more alarmed than they were about Islamist fundamentalism, for example, and America is waking up to global warming.
虽然如此,项目领导者约翰•K•戈兰仍相信欧美在一些问题尤其是共同面临的威胁上的意见正在统一。比如,欧洲越来越警惕伊斯兰原教旨主义,美国也对全球气候变暖问题逐渐清醒。
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发表于 2010-4-28 23:13 | 显示全部楼层
1.TO TURN over the supposed Anglo-American common ground carefully, ...
为了仔细审视公认的英美之间的共同点
--------------------------------------
turn over是否可以加入“重新”二字?
为了重新审视英美之间公认的共同点

2. 似乎只有国家利益能团结美国的“左”派和优派---右派(笔误)

3. So would Americans, even if they may turn down his wife.
     美国人也会这么选,即使克林顿曾做下对不起他老婆的事。
-------------------------------------
     这样翻的确很有趣。赞一个~

4. He paid a heavy price for committing British troops to Iraq alongside Mr Bush’s, losing popularity at home and influence in Europe.
为了站在在国内和欧洲大失人心的布什一边,他出兵伊拉克,因而付出了沉重代价。
--------------------------------------------
由于为了和布什保持一致而出兵伊拉克,他付出了沉重的代价——在国内和欧洲,他大失人心。

(剩下的还没看完,做完事继续啊~)
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发表于 2010-4-28 23:38 | 显示全部楼层
1. 有道理!
2. :L 下次一定检查。
3. 调侃一下小克,呵呵。
4. 对对对,不是指布什失人心,翻错啦。:handshake
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发表于 2010-4-29 00:03 | 显示全部楼层
好厉害啊
支持
学习:Q
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发表于 2010-4-29 00:28 | 显示全部楼层
Britons are cooler on multiculturalism翻译成
英国人更能接纳多元文化。
是否不妥啊
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发表于 2010-4-29 00:53 | 显示全部楼层
我觉得是
英国人对待多元文化更冷静啊
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发表于 2010-4-29 01:18 | 显示全部楼层
Both seem rather less than winning strategies these days.
这一句还没有翻译哦
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发表于 2010-4-29 01:43 | 显示全部楼层
似乎现在都不奏效了啊
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发表于 2010-4-29 02:08 | 显示全部楼层
Britons are cooler on multiculturalism翻译成
英国人更能接纳多元文化。
是否不妥啊

谢谢指正!
这句话我没有直译,因为直译的话有点意思模糊。
我觉得“更冷静”的意思基本=“更易接受”

漏译的那句似乎是粘贴的时候粘丢了,你读的真细。So,知错必改,第11段即倒数第5段最后一句,
Both seem rather less than winning strategies these days.
试译为:现在这两种伎俩越来越不起作用了。
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