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[经济学人] [2008.07.09] The war president 历经战火考验的总统

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发表于 2010-4-29 00:00 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
Sri Lanka 斯里兰卡

The war president 历经战火考验的总统

Jul 3rd 2008 | COLOMBO AND TRINCOMALEE可伦坡和亭可马里
From The Economist print edition


Sri Lanka’s army chief says the government has won its 25-year war against the Tamil Tigers. This is not true
斯里兰卡的军队首领声称政府已经赢得了其与泰米尔猛虎组织长达25年的战争的胜利。但事实并非如此




MAHINDA RAJAPAKSE, Sri Lanka’s president, shakes out his white outfit and spreads his bare toes with a satisfied air. “We have concentrated on the LTTE [the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam],” he says, “because unless we defeat them, we will have no peace and development.” In January he abrogated a ceasefire and stepped up a brutal two-year offensive against the no-less-brutal LTTE. This week his army commander, General Sarath Fonseka, claimed the operation had succeeded. The Tigers, said the general, had lost the capability of fighting as a conventional army. “We have defeated them.”
  斯里兰卡总统拉贾帕克萨身着传统的白色服装,将他裸露的脚趾惬意的舒展在空气中。“我们一直在集中精力对付泰米尔伊拉姆猛虎解放组织”,他说道,“因为一天不打倒他们,我们就不会有和平和发展。”1月的时候他退出了停火协定,面对泰米尔伊拉姆猛虎解放组织的丝毫未减的野蛮暴力,转而走向一个长达两年的无情攻势。本周他的军队指挥官,萨瑞斯佛塞克将军宣称作战已经成功。他说“猛虎”已经丧失其作为正规军作战的能力,“我们战胜了它。”

  The Tigers have not surrendered and would presumably disagree. But the president’s brother, Gotabhaya Rajapakse, who is also defence secretary, says the government has a once-in-a-generation chance to crush them. General Fonseka claims the Tigers have lost 9,000 fighters since 2006. They were driven from one big Tamil town, Jaffna, in 1995. Now they no longer pose a threat to another, Trincomalee.
  “猛虎”现在并未屈服,据预测也是不会屈服的。但是总统的弟弟,国防部长高特哈巴亚称现在政府有一个千载难逢的机会去摧毁它。佛塞克将军宣称“猛虎”自2006年起已经失去9000名战斗者,这些人是1995年从一个叫做贾夫纳的泰米尔小镇出来的。如今他们对其他地方已经不构成威胁了,比如说对亭可马里。

  In 2005 they enforced a boycott of a presidential election in the areas they controlled. Last year they were driven from the eastern part of their northern stronghold and failed to stop the ensuing provincial vote (one that most independent observers considered deeply flawed). The Tigers split in 2004. One of the group’s former child soldiers, Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan (known as Pillayan), whose still-armed militia contested the election as born-again democrats, has become chief minister of the Eastern Province—the highest-ranking elected office held by a Tamil.
  2005年“猛虎”曾在受他们控制的地区联合抵制总统选举。去年他们从自己的北方要塞的东部地区被驱逐,而且没能阻止接下来的地方选举(这在多数的独立观察者看来,是存有很大漏洞的地方)。“猛虎”在2004年分裂。这个组织的前童子军首领之一——塞文尼撒舒瑞—单卓坎森(通常被叫做皮雷岩)的武装部队仍在争夺选举的结果,就好像再生的民主党人,他已经成为东部省的首席部长——也是泰米尔职位竞选中最高的官阶。

  Perhaps most important, the LTTE is said to have lost much of its foreign backing. Two years ago Tamil organisations could still raise money freely in Europe. Now, the LTTE are on many terrorist lists (America’s Federal Bureau of Investigation dubs them “the most dangerous and deadly extremists in the world”). Canada has added the World Tamil Movement, a Tiger front, to its banned list; Italy has arrested 33 suspected LTTE financiers in one of the biggest crackdowns in years.
  也许最重要是在于,“猛虎”据称已经失去了很多国外支援。2年前泰米尔组织还能自由的从欧洲筹钱。但是如今,“猛虎”已经在很多国家的恐怖组织清单上(美国联邦调查据说他们是“全世界最危险和最致命的极端分子”)。加拿大曾加入了“世界泰米尔运动”,“猛虎”也在其禁令清单之中;意大利曾在今年发生的一次最大的镇压中逮捕了33名可疑的“猛虎”财务人员。

  Yet it is much too soon to declare victory. The Tigers, a small guerrilla force of around 5,000 fighters, have repeatedly resisted conventional attack. In the 1980s, they beat back India’s army. Their fearsome leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran, remains at large. Trincomalee bristles with soldiers and checkpoints. Even if they were to lose the territory they hold, the Tigers could still sink back into the local population and launch attacks from there.
  现在说已经赢得胜利还为时过早。拥有大概5000名战斗分子的“猛虎”游击队还会一次又一次的还击。在80年代中期,他们曾击退过印度军队。他们令人生畏的领袖沃皮莱普拉巴兰卡,残余势力依然庞大。亭可马里处处都是士兵和关卡。即便他们将会失去他们手中的掌控的地区,“猛虎”仍然会重新聚集他们的当地力量并且在当地发起进攻。

  For that reason, says President Rajapakse, the real test of whether the Tigers are defeated will be their willingness to lay down their arms and negotiate. There is no sign, yet, that they are willing to do so.
  因此,拉贾帕克萨总统称,能否真正战胜“猛虎”的考验在于,“猛虎”是否情愿放下武器与他们进行交涉。这里没有迹象证明这个想法,但是,他们的确想这样做。

  But the claim of victory is still important, for it represents a test for the president, too. His government has been consumed by war to the detriment of other things, notably basic human rights. President Rajapakse is a former human-rights activist who in 1990 called on donors to link aid to human rights and told parliament: “We are prepared to go to any lengths to save human rights from this government.” Now he stands accused of the very abuses he criticised. Defeating the Tigers might allow him to show his government in a better light.
  即便如此,这个胜利宣言依然是重要的,因为它也给总统带来了考验。他的政府已为战争耗费颇多,甚至损害了其他事业的进程,最显著的就是基本人权。拉贾帕克萨总统原来是一位争取人权的积极分子,他曾在1990年号召施主们为人权捐助,并知会了国会。“我们已经整装待发要将人权从这个政府拯救出来,无论这旅程有多么长。”现在他却站在了自己曾经谴责过的位置上。战胜“猛虎”很可能让他的政府前程更加光明。

  That would mean, first, offering the Tamils genuine self-government. A system of devolution exists but has not been implemented. The system is feeble—Pillayan describes it as “just a start”—but there is little excuse for withholding it now there is an elected council in the east, home to Sinhalese and Muslims as well as Tamils.
  这说明了,首先,要给泰米尔一个真正的独立政府。这是一项转换体系,但至今还未实施。这个体系很脆弱——皮雷岩形容说“这仅仅是个开始”——但是并没有借口像这样一直压着不实施,现在在东部,在那些锡兰人,穆斯林的故乡已经有了选举审议会,就像泰米尔一样。

Next, it would mean tackling neglected economic problems. The country is showing signs of a wage-price spiral, with annual inflation touching 26%, labour unrest and a threatened general strike. The convener of a teachers’ union, the delightfully named Joseph Stalin, says teachers are refusing to mark exam papers. The central bank is trying to break the wage-price cycle by a credit squeeze but its efforts are being undermined by government spending on the war. The budget deficit is 9% of GDP and there is pressure to spend even more on roads, canals, hospitals and Tamil-speaking nurses in the war-ravaged east.
  再者说,这将意味着要处理一些忽视的问题,这个国家现在已经出现了工资——价格螺旋的迹象,年通胀率也已触及26%,工人情绪不稳定与颇具威胁的大罢工,这些都是这个迹象的表现。教师联盟的召集人拥有一个令人愉快的名字——约瑟史琳达说道,教师们拒绝批阅试卷。央行正在努力紧缩银根来打破这场工资——价格上涨的恶性循环,但是央行的努力却被政府在战争上的花费虚耗掉了。财政预算赤字占国内生产总值的9%,这些压力还来源于在道路,河道,医院以及饱受战争蹂躏东部讲泰米尔语地区的医疗开销

也有大笔支出。



  Most important, improving the government’s reputation means allaying political and human-rights concerns. The Sinhalese, some 80% of the population, are Buddhists, who pride themselves on tolerance and calm. In his white costume, scarlet scarf and sandals, President Rajapakse cultivates the image of a beneficent guru. Yet the war has hardened attitudes. Criticism of it is called treason. “I’ve never seen the country so polarised,” says Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, the head of the Centre for Policy Alternatives, a think-tank.
  最重要的在于提高政府的声誉,这意味着需要缓和政治策略和人权之间的矛盾。锡兰人里面有将近8成的佛教徒,他们以自己的宽容与安宁为荣。在他白色的民族服装下,拉贾帕克萨总统身着绯红色的领带和凉鞋,陶醉在仁慈的印度教导师的塑像之中。虽然对待战争有着无情的态度,但对此的一切非难都会被称作是叛国。“我从来没想过我的祖国会走上两极趋势,”潘奇瑟西萨拉瓦南姆特说道,他是政策选择中心(一个智囊机构)的执行主任。

  The press has been a bellwether. Basil Rajapakse, another of the president’s brothers, who is his chief adviser on domestic politics, says—unreassuringly— that the government does not want a law on censorship “but a voluntary self-control”. Accusations of harassment are frequent. This week a journalist from the Sri Lankan Press Institute, which had just launched defamation proceedings against a government-controlled newspaper, was attacked by club-wielding thugs, while travelling with a British diplomat, who was also clubbed. Late last year the International Press Institute put Sri Lanka on its watch-list of countries where the media’s situation is precarious, along with Russia.
    媒体一直都是灾难的领头羊。总统的另一个弟弟罗勒拉贾帕克萨,作为国内政策的首席顾问,毫不留情的说——政府不需要制定任何检查制度的法律,“那都应该是自愿者的自制行为”对此困扰的谴责时常会发生。本周斯里兰卡报业协会的一位记者刚因为反对政府控制报纸而提出了诽谤上诉,就在和一位英国外交官一起旅行时遭受了挥舞着棒子的暴徒们的袭击,那个外交官也同样挨了打。去年的时候国际报业协会鉴于其媒介地位的岌岌可危,将斯里兰卡列入其严格审查列单中,同样被列入的还有俄罗斯。

  More subtly, politics seem to have become less open and accountable. The reins of power have been drawn into the hands of the three Rajapakse brothers. In a region where democratic dynasties are common, the Rajapakse clan is unusual. It does not hail from the traditional English-speaking elite that produced Sri Lanka’s other presidents. Mahinda, from Hambantota, represents the rural south, the Buddhist provincial bourgeoisie, rather than the urban elite. To offset weak traditional loyalties, he has curried favour by lavish ministerial appointments. Sri Lanka has a huge, 108-strong cabinet. One minister resigned, saying his ministry should be abolished since it had nothing to do.
    当政治手腕已经看似少有公开和说明的举动,这就让其变得更为巧妙。权利的支配已经让拉贾帕克萨三兄弟够头痛了。在一个正在经历民主时期的国家,这多么普通,拉贾帕克萨家族却是很特别的。它并不为那些传统的讲英文的精英们为他们制造新总统而欢呼。一位来自汉班托塔的叫做曼达的人表示在他更愿意支持南部乡下的信仰佛教的地方中产阶级,而不是城市精英。为了抵消掉那些传统而衰弱的忠贞不渝的老旧念头,他谄媚般慷慨的提供了很多内阁职位。斯里兰卡拥有着一个庞大的,由108人组成的强大内阁。一个部长在被任命时称,他的部门应该被废掉,因为闲置,无事可做。

  This has worrying consequences. Democratic Sri Lanka, which suffered more than most from the 2004 tsunami, has the sort of relations with international agencies you would associate with Sudan. In May it lost its seat on the United Nations Human Rights Council (not a body demanding the highest standards: Russia, Cuba and Saudi Arabia are members). America’s State Department has cited credible reports of government involvement in extra-judicial killings, and complicity in the recruitment of child soldiers by its allies. Sri Lanka’s mission in Geneva responds to criticism by calling the former head of the UNHRC, Louise Arbour, unqualified to monitor human rights in the country. This dispute is self-defeating. Under a trade deal with the European Union called GSP-plus, Sri Lanka’s garment exports (its second-largest source of foreign exchange) enjoy duty-free access to the EU. But GSP-plus hinges partly on human rights. Sri Lanka risks losing its privileges.
  这会有一个令人担忧的结局出现。斯里兰卡民主党在经受了2004年大海啸超乎一切的,最不堪的损失后,就和一些国际机构有了某种关系,对此,你理所当然会联想到苏丹。5月的时候它失掉了联合国人权理事会的席位(并非是一个要求最高标准的团体:俄罗斯,古巴和沙特阿拉伯都是其会员国)。美国国务院曾引用过一些可信的报告称,斯里兰卡政府曾介入过一些未经司法程序的杀戮,还与其同盟国一起招募过童子军。斯里兰卡在日内瓦面对这些指责时,反应是旨在邀请前联合国人权事务委员会主席阿博尔,毫无意义的去斯里兰卡察看人权的现状。这种抵抗无疑是弄巧成拙的。斯里兰卡在普遍化优惠关税特殊优惠方案的条件下与欧盟做成衣出口(斯里兰卡外汇收入第二大来源)交易时,享受着免税进入欧盟的待遇。但是普遍化优惠关税特殊优惠方案的关键的部分在于人权问题。斯里兰卡正在冒着一个会失去它这项优惠待遇的极大风险去这么做。

  The president was elected on a platform of getting tough with the Tigers. But that was thanks partly to the boycott imposed by the Tigers themselves. Hardline governments, they reckon, end up helping their cause by driving even moderate Tamils into their clutches. Mr Rajapakse has driven the Tigers from the east, held an election there and claims to be closing in on victory. Yet the costs have been enormous and if the Tigers refuse to negotiate, there seems to be no alternative strategy to one entailing more bloodshed. Asked about this, Mr Rajapakse says the Tigers will be forced to talk—and, in a gesture he uses when nettled, shoves his bare feet firmly back into his sandals.
    总统是在采取强硬的对待“猛虎”的这样的平台当选的。但这也一部分要感谢“猛虎”自身的联合抵制。“猛虎”估计,一个强硬的政府会为了其事业地进行将稳健派的泰米尔人也抓至麾下,最终会走向垮台。总统拉贾帕克萨刚把“猛虎”从东部赶走,就在那里举行了选举并且宣称自己是以胜利结尾的。然而这样做的代价是巨大的,一旦“猛虎”拒绝交涉,政府面对更多的流血事件将毫无应对之策。被问及这一点,拉贾帕克萨总统说“猛虎”将被迫与之进行交涉——同时,他使用了一个自己在焦急的时候常用的姿势,将他裸露在外的脚牢牢的磕进他的拖鞋里面。
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发表于 2010-4-29 00:45 | 显示全部楼层
:hug: 这。。。。。。。这篇文章好长~~~~~~~~T-T
所以我译的问题应该会很多,很多地方我觉得怪怪的拿不准~
希望高手们前来赐教啊!就算给我大段大段的改错也好啊!
感谢各位了!:hug:
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发表于 2010-4-29 01:30 | 显示全部楼层
1 In January he abrogated a ceasefire and stepped up a brutal two-year offensive against the no-less-brutal LTTE.
1月的时候他退出了停火协定,面对泰米尔伊拉姆猛虎解放组织的丝毫未减的野蛮暴力,转而走向一个长达两年的无情攻势。
这句逻辑有问题。从1月到现在怎么可能有两年呢?显然step up理解不是很正确。我想应该按这个意思理解:to increase the amount of an activity

2 They were driven from one big Tamil town, Jaffna, in 1995.这些人是1995年从一个叫做贾夫纳的泰米尔小镇出来的。
driven, big 注意这两个词

3 Now they no longer pose a threat to another, Trincomalee. 如今他们对其他地方已经不构成威胁了,比如说对亭可马里。
原文只说“another”,就是“Trincomalee” ,可没说对(所有)其他地方

4  One of the group’s former child soldiers, 这个组织的前童子军首领之一——塞文尼撒舒瑞—单卓坎森
这句话好像没说他是什么童子军首领,根据意思,应该是说这个人小的时候就拿枪打仗(至于那时候是不是被迫就不知道了),不是经常有报道非洲有些地方一些军事组织抓孩子,逼迫他们打仗…… “Lost”里的Eko即是如此,Avril Lavigne的MV “knock knock on heaven's door” 也有表现
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发表于 2010-4-29 02:15 | 显示全部楼层
Sri Lanka’s mission in Geneva responds to criticism by calling the former head of the UNHRC, Louise Arbour, unqualified to monitor human rights in the country.

斯里兰卡驻日内瓦使团对该批评的反应是:称UNHRC前领导人Louise ARbour没有资格监督这个国家的人权。

Hardline governments, they reckon, end up helping their cause by driving even moderate Tamils into their clutches.

强硬的统治,他们认为,甚至将把温和的泰米尔人也赶至他们的麾下,从而有助于他们的事业。
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