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[经济学人] [2009.11.12] The far right in eastern Europe 东欧极端右翼

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发表于 2010-4-29 03:22 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
The far right in eastern Europe
东欧极端右翼

Right on down
日趋渐下

Nov 12th 2009
From The Economist print edition


No direct threat, yet far-right ideas seep into the mainstream
不构成直接威胁,但极端右翼思想却日益深入社会主流



WHEN Jobbik, a Hungarian far-right party, took 15% of the vote in June’s European election, it sent shudders across the continent. Running on an anti-Roma (gypsy) platform, with nasty words for Jews and homosexuals and with its own uniformed wing, Jobbik seemed more troubling than earlier groups. It joined existing extremists in the region to suggest a new resurgence of the far right. The Slovak National Party (SNP), whose leader, Jan Slota, is known for pungent anti-Hungarian remarks, has won seats in every Slovak parliament but one since 1990 and been part of the government since 2006. Bulgaria’s Ataka lives up to its name with verbal onslaughts against the country’s Turks, and has taken 10% of the vote since 2005. Jobbik may be the third-biggest party in Hungary after next spring’s election.
今年6月,匈牙利极右翼党派Jobbik在欧洲议会选举中获得了15%的支持票。这一结果震惊了整个欧洲。这一党派以反罗马吉普赛人为平台,对犹太人和同性恋者报以粗口,并坚持这一右翼做法,Jobbik看似比以往任一党派都更麻烦。该党派已经加入了欧洲地区现存的右翼组织,要求复兴极右翼主义。以发表尖锐的反匈牙利言辞著称的斯洛伐克国家党(SNP)领导人Jan Slota自1990年起除了一届以外,一直都是斯洛伐克国会选举的赢家。自2006年起,国家党成为斯洛伐克的一个执政党。保加利亚的Ataka党以对国内的土耳其人恶语相击成为名人,并且从2005年开始就一直把持着议会10%的投票率。而Jobbik党则可能在明年春天的选举以后成为匈牙利的第三大政党。

Yet in other places the far right is in retreat. Poland’s League of Polish Families, a xenophobic bunch with a youth wing known for anti-Semitism, was knocked out of parliament in 2007. The Greater Romania Party, an irredentist group of Magyar-bashers whose leader came second in Romania’s presidential election of 2000, lost all its seats in 2008. Jobbik’s uniformed outfit was banned earlier this year. A far-right group in the European Parliament in 2007 broke up after ten months of in-fighting (Romanian members objected to being called “gypsies” by Italians). The Baltics, the Czech Republic and Slovenia have no big far-right parties.
而在其他地方,这种极右翼主义却在日益减少。波兰的波兰家庭联盟,一个年轻的极度排外的反犹太右翼联盟,在2007年被踢出了国会.大罗马尼亚党,一个抨击马扎尔民族统一的党派,其党领导人在2000年的罗马尼亚总统大选中居第二,而在2008年的大选中败北.Jobbik的统一着装在今年早些时候被禁止了。2007年欧洲议会中的一个极右翼组织在10个月的混战之后宣告解散(因为其罗马尼亚成员不愿被意大利人叫作”吉普赛人”)。在波罗的海,捷克共和国和斯洛文尼亚诸国都不存在大型的极端右翼党派。

The far right in central Europe differs from its western equivalents in its choice of enemies. In the west it thrives on immigrant-bashing. In the east it dwells on more atavistic grievances: ethnic minorities, old territorial disputes, homosexuals, international financiers and, naturally, Jews. Hatred of the Roma has become a defining issue. Everywhere economic anxiety is exploited. Even a decade of growth has left plenty of poor and disaffected people. Many hark back to an era when the state protected them from crude market forces. This produces a far right that likes nationalisation and dislikes the market.
中欧的极端右翼组织与西欧的极端右翼组织的敌对对象不同。西欧针对的是外来移民;东欧则是针对上一代遗留下来的仇怨:对少数民族人的仇恨,对旧的国土界域的争议,对同性恋的排斥,对国际金融家的痛恨,以及犹太人,这就更不用说了。对罗马的憎恨已经成为了决定性问题。经济担忧无处不在。甚至十年的增长也留下了众多贫穷和不满。很多人回想一个国家保护他们远离粗暴市场力量的时代。这催生了喜好国有化,厌恶市场的极右翼主义。

Yet what seems to open up most space for the far right is political anxiety stemming from corruption, weak institutions and mainstream parties that few trust. The essence of the far right is to be anti-establishment, with leaders railing against corrupt elites who have sold out to foreign bankers. Jobbik and Ataka grew out of a collapse in support for centrist parties. Poland’s far right was boosted in 2005 by the mismanagement and corruption of the outgoing Socialist-led government.
然而,给极右翼势力打开更大空间的源于腐败、衰弱的制度和无人信任的主流政党带来的政治担忧。极右翼主义的本质是反建制,其领导人严厉斥责倒向外国银行家的腐败精英。Jobbik和Ataka是在人们对中间党派不再支持的情况下发展起来。波兰的极右翼党在2005年蓬勃发展,这是放任自由的社会主义领导者们对政府的不善管理和腐败的结果。

The far right is often ineffective. Standing against a corrupt and incompetent establishment, the parties can turn out to be the same. Mr Slota’s SNP has had three ministers thrown out of office after accusations of shady dealings. After three years in government the party’s only achievement is poor relations with Hungary and with Slovakia’s ethnic Hungarians. Similarly, Gheorghe Funar, an ultra-nationalist who in the 1990s was mayor of Cluj-Napoca in Romania, is remembered only for a semi-official Ponzi scheme and for painting park benches in national colours.
极端右翼的作用常常是无效的。公然反对贪污和无效建制,但这些也是诸党派的最终倒向。Slota先生的斯洛伐克国家党有三名部长被指控有“肮脏的交易”而被革职。该党三年在野却毫无政绩,还换来了与匈牙利和斯洛伐克的少数匈牙利人的紧张关系。同样,超民粹主义者Gheorghe Funar,在90年代曾任罗马尼亚克鲁日市市长,他的两个仅有的政绩便是半政府的庞氏骗局和将公园的长椅涂成民族的颜色。

Usually the far right has been de-fanged in a ruling coalition. In Poland, its 2005 success was a prelude to its demise in 2007, as Poles opted for a moderate government after two years of right-wing rule. Yet some far-right ideas have percolated into the mainstream. One reason there are no big far-right parties in the Baltics is that they have a harder centre-right. Latvia banned gay marriage in 2005, after Poland and Lithuania. Gay-rights marches attract bans and scuffles. Hungary’s right-wing press is awash with anti-capitalist conspiracy theories aimed at “communists”, liberals and, occasionally, Jews. Bulgaria’s centre-right prime minister, Boyko Borisov, has complained about the “human material” of his country (ie, too many gypsies, Turks and pensioners).
一般情况下只有联合统治才能拔出极端右翼的毒瘤。在波兰,2005年的胜利揭开了极端右翼在2007年的灭亡,因为在两年的右翼统治以后,波兰人更希望有一个温和的政府。但其中一些极端右翼主义者却最终成为主流。在波罗的海诸国不存在极端右翼党派是因为他们都有非常强大的中间派力量。2005年,拉脱维亚继波兰和立陶宛之后颁布了禁止同性婚姻的法令。此举导致了同性恋权力游行和混战。匈牙利右翼报纸对反对资本主义演变的报道,直指共产主义,自由主义,偶尔也参杂着关于犹太人的批评,这些犹如潮水般外涌。保加利亚的中间派首相Boyko Borisov已经对自己国家的“人类实在”发起了抱怨(如大量的吉普赛人,土耳其人和退休人员)。

Poland’s Law and Justice Party is socially to the right of most western conservatives (though, with the Czech Republic’s Civic Forum, it is an ally of Britain’s Tories in the European Parliament). Anti-Hungarian feelings stretch beyond the far right in Romania and Slovakia. The far right’s incompetence may doom it politically, but some of its ideas are here to stay.
波兰的法律公正党倾向于保护西方保守主义者的权力(虽然捷克共和国的还有民主论坛,但这个政党在欧洲议会中仍然是英国保皇党盟友)。带反匈牙利人思想的国家不仅只有罗马尼亚和斯洛伐克。虽然极端右翼在政治上的无能必然导致其失败,但是他们的一些思想还会留存下来。
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