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[经济学人] [2009.11.12] The far right in eastern Europe 东欧极端右翼









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发表于 2010-4-29 03:22 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
The far right in eastern Europe

Right on down

Nov 12th 2009
From The Economist print edition

No direct threat, yet far-right ideas seep into the mainstream

WHEN Jobbik, a Hungarian far-right party, took 15% of the vote in June’s European election, it sent shudders across the continent. Running on an anti-Roma (gypsy) platform, with nasty words for Jews and homosexuals and with its own uniformed wing, Jobbik seemed more troubling than earlier groups. It joined existing extremists in the region to suggest a new resurgence of the far right. The Slovak National Party (SNP), whose leader, Jan Slota, is known for pungent anti-Hungarian remarks, has won seats in every Slovak parliament but one since 1990 and been part of the government since 2006. Bulgaria’s Ataka lives up to its name with verbal onslaughts against the country’s Turks, and has taken 10% of the vote since 2005. Jobbik may be the third-biggest party in Hungary after next spring’s election.
今年6月,匈牙利极右翼党派Jobbik在欧洲议会选举中获得了15%的支持票。这一结果震惊了整个欧洲。这一党派以反罗马吉普赛人为平台,对犹太人和同性恋者报以粗口,并坚持这一右翼做法,Jobbik看似比以往任一党派都更麻烦。该党派已经加入了欧洲地区现存的右翼组织,要求复兴极右翼主义。以发表尖锐的反匈牙利言辞著称的斯洛伐克国家党(SNP)领导人Jan Slota自1990年起除了一届以外,一直都是斯洛伐克国会选举的赢家。自2006年起,国家党成为斯洛伐克的一个执政党。保加利亚的Ataka党以对国内的土耳其人恶语相击成为名人,并且从2005年开始就一直把持着议会10%的投票率。而Jobbik党则可能在明年春天的选举以后成为匈牙利的第三大政党。

Yet in other places the far right is in retreat. Poland’s League of Polish Families, a xenophobic bunch with a youth wing known for anti-Semitism, was knocked out of parliament in 2007. The Greater Romania Party, an irredentist group of Magyar-bashers whose leader came second in Romania’s presidential election of 2000, lost all its seats in 2008. Jobbik’s uniformed outfit was banned earlier this year. A far-right group in the European Parliament in 2007 broke up after ten months of in-fighting (Romanian members objected to being called “gypsies” by Italians). The Baltics, the Czech Republic and Slovenia have no big far-right parties.

The far right in central Europe differs from its western equivalents in its choice of enemies. In the west it thrives on immigrant-bashing. In the east it dwells on more atavistic grievances: ethnic minorities, old territorial disputes, homosexuals, international financiers and, naturally, Jews. Hatred of the Roma has become a defining issue. Everywhere economic anxiety is exploited. Even a decade of growth has left plenty of poor and disaffected people. Many hark back to an era when the state protected them from crude market forces. This produces a far right that likes nationalisation and dislikes the market.

Yet what seems to open up most space for the far right is political anxiety stemming from corruption, weak institutions and mainstream parties that few trust. The essence of the far right is to be anti-establishment, with leaders railing against corrupt elites who have sold out to foreign bankers. Jobbik and Ataka grew out of a collapse in support for centrist parties. Poland’s far right was boosted in 2005 by the mismanagement and corruption of the outgoing Socialist-led government.

The far right is often ineffective. Standing against a corrupt and incompetent establishment, the parties can turn out to be the same. Mr Slota’s SNP has had three ministers thrown out of office after accusations of shady dealings. After three years in government the party’s only achievement is poor relations with Hungary and with Slovakia’s ethnic Hungarians. Similarly, Gheorghe Funar, an ultra-nationalist who in the 1990s was mayor of Cluj-Napoca in Romania, is remembered only for a semi-official Ponzi scheme and for painting park benches in national colours.
极端右翼的作用常常是无效的。公然反对贪污和无效建制,但这些也是诸党派的最终倒向。Slota先生的斯洛伐克国家党有三名部长被指控有“肮脏的交易”而被革职。该党三年在野却毫无政绩,还换来了与匈牙利和斯洛伐克的少数匈牙利人的紧张关系。同样,超民粹主义者Gheorghe Funar,在90年代曾任罗马尼亚克鲁日市市长,他的两个仅有的政绩便是半政府的庞氏骗局和将公园的长椅涂成民族的颜色。

Usually the far right has been de-fanged in a ruling coalition. In Poland, its 2005 success was a prelude to its demise in 2007, as Poles opted for a moderate government after two years of right-wing rule. Yet some far-right ideas have percolated into the mainstream. One reason there are no big far-right parties in the Baltics is that they have a harder centre-right. Latvia banned gay marriage in 2005, after Poland and Lithuania. Gay-rights marches attract bans and scuffles. Hungary’s right-wing press is awash with anti-capitalist conspiracy theories aimed at “communists”, liberals and, occasionally, Jews. Bulgaria’s centre-right prime minister, Boyko Borisov, has complained about the “human material” of his country (ie, too many gypsies, Turks and pensioners).
一般情况下只有联合统治才能拔出极端右翼的毒瘤。在波兰,2005年的胜利揭开了极端右翼在2007年的灭亡,因为在两年的右翼统治以后,波兰人更希望有一个温和的政府。但其中一些极端右翼主义者却最终成为主流。在波罗的海诸国不存在极端右翼党派是因为他们都有非常强大的中间派力量。2005年,拉脱维亚继波兰和立陶宛之后颁布了禁止同性婚姻的法令。此举导致了同性恋权力游行和混战。匈牙利右翼报纸对反对资本主义演变的报道,直指共产主义,自由主义,偶尔也参杂着关于犹太人的批评,这些犹如潮水般外涌。保加利亚的中间派首相Boyko Borisov已经对自己国家的“人类实在”发起了抱怨(如大量的吉普赛人,土耳其人和退休人员)。

Poland’s Law and Justice Party is socially to the right of most western conservatives (though, with the Czech Republic’s Civic Forum, it is an ally of Britain’s Tories in the European Parliament). Anti-Hungarian feelings stretch beyond the far right in Romania and Slovakia. The far right’s incompetence may doom it politically, but some of its ideas are here to stay.

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