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[经济学人] [2008.04.05]The NATO Summit 北约峰会

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发表于 2010-4-29 02:56 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
With allies like these
如此之盟友

Apr 3rd 2008 | BUCHAREST
From The Economist print edition


The world's mightiest defence club fractures over plans to expand
世界最强防御组织违背承诺准备扩张


THE NATO summit in Bucharest was meant to be a celebration of France's full return to the fold and a show of long-term commitment to stabilising Afghanistan. Instead it turned into a particularly rancorous dispute about matters closer to home: how far and how fast NATO should continue to expand, and how it should deal with a more aggressive Russia.
这次在布加勒斯特的北约峰会意在庆祝法国将重回北约怀抱,同时也想表明北约对稳固阿富汗的长期决心。可事与愿违,它却陷入了有关自身发展的满怀恶意的纠纷之中:北约应以怎样的速度扩张? 扩张的范围应有多广?它又应该怎样处理与充满挑衅的俄罗斯之间的关系?



The meeting became a battle of wills between Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, cast in a naysaying role that is usually reserved for French leaders, and George Bush, attending his last NATO summit and hoping to be remembered for extending “the circle of freedom”.
会议最终演变成了德国总理安吉拉•默克尔与乔治•布什之间的唇枪舌战。默克尔扮演了通常为法国领导人所保留的否定角色,而布什参加他的最后一次北约峰会以期望由于扩张了“自由圈”而不被人们所遗忘。

On the face of it, the issue was arcane: whether Ukraine and Georgia should be upgraded from “intensified dialogue” with NATO to a “membership action plan” (MAP), essentially a promise to join NATO after meeting a set of political and military benchmarks. But to many, particularly America and ex-communist states, this was a question of principle: NATO had to keep its vow to welcome fragile democracies, and should give no veto to Russia, especially in its current aggressive mood.
表面看来,问题很复杂:是否应把乌克兰和格鲁吉亚从“密集对话”升级为“成员国行动计划”,而实质上却是一个会后加入北约的承诺及一系列政治、军事基准的问题。但对多数国家而言,尤其是美国和前共产主义国家,这却是个原则性问题:北约得遵循它的誓言,即要欢迎弱小民主国家的加入,并不得对俄罗斯行使否决权,尤其在它当前所表现的挑衅气势下。

Germany says Russia's president-elect, Dmitry Medvedev, should get time to settle in without being forced into a spat with NATO. “What is the rush?” asked one senior official. Earlier the French prime minister, François Fillon, said his country opposed granting MAP “because we think it is not the right response to the balance of power in Europe”. Britain, too, was sceptical. But observers reckoned that, should Germany yield to American pressure, other resistance would melt.
德国表示,若不是被卷入与北约之间的矛盾,俄罗斯新当选总统德米特里•梅德韦杰夫早该在总统府中安顿下来了。一位高级官员却说道:“着急什么?” 之前,法国总理弗朗索瓦•菲永宣称法国反对批准成员国行动计划,“因为我们认为这不是对欧洲势力均衡的正确回应”。英国对此计划也持怀疑态度。但评论家们预测,如果德国屈服于美国的压力而让步的话,其他国家也会放弃反抗。

At a bad-tempered foreign ministers' meeting on the opening night, Germany's foreign minister, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, told colleagues Georgia would not be fit to join until it had resolved the “frozen conflicts” over two Russian-backed statelets on its soil. Condoleezza Rice, his American opposite number, retorted that these conflicts were “not Georgia's problem, but Russia's”. She added that Germany's own NATO membership in 1955 had come at a time when that country was divided.
峰会开幕式当晚,在一场火药味十足的外长会议上,德国外交部长施泰因迈尔告诫同僚格鲁吉亚外长此时加入北约时机尚不成熟,应等有俄罗斯做后台的乌克兰和格鲁吉亚自身的“冲突冰冻”问题解决后,再做打算。与德外长对弈的则是美国国务卿赖斯。她补充道,德国1955年的北约会员国身份已进入到一个使德国分裂的时期。

After much haggling, the allies declared that the two countries “will become members of NATO” eventually—but that a decision on MAP would only be taken by foreign ministers in December. Even that could be a humiliation for the Georgians, whose volatile president, Mikheil Saakashvili, privately compared anything short of MAP to appeasement of the Nazis.
经各方的讨价还价后,各盟国宣布,乌克兰和格鲁吉亚两国最终“将会成为北约成员国”——但这一有关成员国行动计划的事宜还是有待今年十二月各国外长们来决定。即使这对格鲁吉亚人民来说是一个短暂的缓解期,可他们善变的总统萨卡什维利私下里却将除成员国行动计划外的任何事情都比作纳粹的绥靖政策。

Even the enlargement that was supposed to be straightforward—expanding membership of NATO (and later of the European Union) to the Balkans—turned ugly because of an old row over Macedonia's name, shared by a Greek province. Macedonia had agreed to the formulation “Republic of Macedonia (Skopje)”; Greece wanted a compound formula such as “Upper Macedonia” or “New Macedonia” and blocked the invitation. The allies said Macedonia would join once the issue of the name had been settled.
虽然北约扩张计划原打算采取直接的方式,即扩展与巴尔干半岛国家的成员国关系(将来还有各欧盟国家),但现在这种直接的方式却变得有些令其难堪,因为一个历来就存在的争议:马其顿共和国和希腊的一个省同名。马其顿共和国已同意使用“马其顿共和国(斯科普里)”这一名称;希腊却想用一个复合式名称,例如“上马其顿”或“新马其顿”,并拒绝了北约的邀请。各成员国表示,马其顿国名问题一解决即可加入北约。

NATO invited Croatia and Albania, boosted ties with Montenegro and Bosnia, and offered Serbia a friendly hand. Franco-American friendship took a big step forward as France offered more troops to fight the Taliban and signalled its intention to return in 2009 to NATO's integrated military structure. Mr Bush compared Mr Sarkozy's arrival with the “latest incarnation of Elvis” and endorsed an EU plan to develop stronger defences.
北约还对克罗地亚和阿尔巴尼亚发出邀请,同时积极改善与黑山共和国及波斯尼亚的关系,并向塞尔维亚伸出了援助之手。法美关系也向前迈进一大步,因为法国愿提供更多军队对抗塔利班,而且还透露有意于2009年重回北约复杂的军事体系中。布什先生以“猫王埃尔维斯的最新现身”来比萨科齐的到来,并表示赞成欧盟的发展更强防御体系的计划。

With Vladimir Putin due to join the summit on April 4th, and then to host Mr Bush the next day in the resort of Sochi, the American president was balancing the need to maintain working relations with the Kremlin while not being seen to yield to threats. “The cold war is over. Russia is not our enemy,” said Mr Bush, restating his assurance that America's plan to set up its missile-defence shield in Poland and the Czech Republic was not aimed at Russia.
由于普京4月4日将参加北约峰会,并打算次日于度假胜地索契宴请布什,因此这位美国总统也正忙于平衡与克里姆林宫保持工作关系的需求,而且还不想被看出他对威胁的妥协。布什表示:“冷战已经结束,俄罗斯不再是我们的敌人”,重申了美国将在波兰和捷克共和国建立导弹防御体系目标并不在于俄罗斯。

To America's delight, its allies embraced missile defence, recognising its “substantial contribution” to their security, and agreeing to seek ways to extend a shield to countries like Turkey. American sweeteners—offering to accept Russian liaison officers, promising not to switch on the system until a threat (from Iran) emerges, and holding out for Russian participation—impressed European sceptics.
令美国高兴的是,其盟友们接受了导弹防御体系,承认了其为社会所做的“实质性贡献”,并同意给像土耳其这样的国家寻找一个庇护者。而美国给出的优惠则是——接受俄罗斯的联络官员,承诺不启动导弹防御体系除非受到(来自伊朗的)威胁,并期待俄罗斯的加入——这些条件让欧洲怀疑论者们大跌眼镜。

Yet at its core, the dispute within NATO is about the renewed threat from Russia. Members of “old Europe” may hope to avoid a clash with the Kremlin, but many countries of “new” Europe say the struggle has already begun. For them security lies in expanding the frontiers of what was once the transatlantic alliance to the Black Sea and ultimately to the Caspian.
而此次峰会的核心则是北约内部的争论,主要围绕来自俄罗斯的新威胁。“老欧洲”成员们或许希望避免与克里姆林宫发生冲突,但许多“新”欧洲国家们声称战斗已经打响。对他们而言,安全就意味着把这个曾横跨大西洋的联盟组织扩张到黑海,最终到里海。

Even its strongest advocates recognise that such expansion raises questions about the purpose of the alliance: should it be mainly a military organisation, or a political club of democracies? Radek Sikorski, the Polish foreign minister, questioned whether the promise of mutual defence from armed attack enshrined in Article 5 of NATO's charter was becoming “diluted”.
即使是北约最忠诚的拥护者也承认,这种扩张方式引发了有关北约初衷的疑问:它应该是一个以军事为主的组织,抑或是一个民主政治的俱乐部?波兰外交部长西科尔斯基也质疑,北约宪章第五条款中所承诺的对武装袭击的多边防御是否已经失效。

Mr Sikorski wants NATO to move military infrastructure east. He complains that NATO hesitates even to make intelligence assessments of perils from Russia. Others want more attention to non-conventional threats, given last year's cyber-attack on Estonia, blamed on Russia. “We do a disservice to Russia by not taking it seriously,” said Toomas Ilves, Estonia's president.
西科尔斯基希望北约的军事基础设施能够东移。他抱怨道,北约竟不愿对来自俄罗斯的威胁做出情报评估。其他国家则希望在非传统威胁的问题上获得更多关注,并举出了去年爱沙尼亚遭黑客攻击的事件,谴责俄罗斯。爱沙尼亚总统托马斯•伊尔韦斯说道,“我们对此并不放在心上,以此来打击俄罗斯”。
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发表于 2010-4-29 03:01 | 显示全部楼层
[2008.04.05]The NATO Summit 北约峰会
With allies like these
如此之盟友
Apr 3rd 2008 | BUCHAREST
From The Economist print edition

The world's mightiest defence club fractures over plans to expand
世界最强防御组织因计划扩张出现裂痕

THE NATO summit in Bucharest was meant to be a celebration of France's full return to the fold and a show of long-term commitment to stabilising Afghanistan. Instead it turned into a particularly rancorous dispute about matters closer to home: how far and how fast NATO should continue to expand, and how it should deal with a more aggressive Russia.
这次在布加勒斯特的北约峰会意在庆祝法国将重回北约怀抱,同时也想表现北约对稳定阿富汗局势的长期决心。可事与愿违,它却陷入了对于自身发展的问题而进行相互指责的争论之中:北约扩张的范围和速度是怎样的?它又应该怎样处理与更加挑衅的俄罗斯之间的关系?



The meeting became a battle of wills between Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, cast in a naysaying role that is usually reserved for French leaders, and George Bush, attending his last NATO summit and hoping to be remembered for extending “the circle of freedom”.
这次峰会会议最终演变成德国总理安吉拉•默克尔与乔治•布什之间的唇枪舌战。默克尔扮演了通常为法国领导人所保留的否定性角色,而布什参加他的最后一次北约峰会,期望通过扩张“自由领地”而留芳千古。

On the face of it, the issue was arcane: whether Ukraine and Georgia should be upgraded from “intensified dialogue” with NATO to a “membership action plan” (MAP), essentially a promise to join NATO after meeting a set of political and military benchmarks. But to many, particularly America and ex-communist states, this was a question of principle: NATO had to keep its vow to welcome fragile democracies, and should give no veto to Russia, especially in its current aggressive mood.
表面看来,这个是个很复杂的事:是否应把乌克兰和格鲁吉亚从与北约的“密切对话”级别升级到“成员国行动计划(MAP)”,而实质上却是在符合一系列政治、军事基本要求的情况下允许其加入北约的承诺。但对多数国家而言,尤其是美国和前共产主义国家,这却是个原则性问题:北约得遵循它的誓言,即要欢迎弱小的民主国家的加入,却不能对俄罗斯行使否决权,尤其在它当前所表现出的挑衅气势下。

Germany says Russia's president-elect, Dmitry Medvedev, should get time to settle in without being forced into a spat with NATO. “What is the rush?” asked one senior official. Earlier the French prime minister, François Fillon, said his country opposed granting MAP “because we think it is not the right response to the balance of power in Europe”. Britain, too, was sceptical. But observers reckoned that, should Germany yield to American pressure, other resistance would melt.
德国表示,俄罗斯新当选总统德米特里•梅德韦杰夫早该在总统府中安顿下来了,而不是卷入到与北约之间的矛盾中。一位高级官员却说道:“着急什么?” 之前,法国总理弗朗索瓦•菲永宣称法国反对批准《成员国行动计划》,“因为我们认为这没有对欧洲的势力均衡做出正确的回应”。英国对该计划也持怀疑态度。但评论家们预测,如果德国屈服于美国的压力而让步的话,其他国家也会放弃反抗。

At a bad-tempered foreign ministers' meeting on the opening night, Germany's foreign minister, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, told colleagues Georgia would not be fit to join until it had resolved the “frozen conflicts” over two Russian-backed statelets on its soil. Condoleezza Rice, his American opposite number, retorted that these conflicts were “not Georgia's problem, but Russia's”. She added that Germany's own NATO membership in 1955 had come at a time when that country was divided.
北约峰会开幕当晚,外长会议充满火药味,德国外交部长施泰因迈尔告诫格鲁吉亚外长此时加入北约时机尚不成熟,应等到得到俄罗斯支持的乌克兰和格鲁吉亚解决自身的“冲突冰冻”问题后,再做打算。与德外长持截然不同的观点的是美国国务卿赖斯。她反驳道,这些冲突“不是格鲁吉亚的问题,而是俄罗斯的问题”。她还补充说,德国在1955年成为北约成员国时,就是处于德国分裂状况。

After much haggling, the allies declared that the two countries “will become members of NATO” eventually—but that a decision on MAP would only be taken by foreign ministers in December. Even that could be a humiliation for the Georgians, whose volatile president, Mikheil Saakashvili, privately compared anything short of MAP to appeasement of the Nazis.
经一方讨价还价后,北约成员国宣布,乌克兰和格鲁吉亚两国最终“将会成为北约成员国”——但是否实施《成员国行动计划》还要等到待今年十二月成员国外长会议来决定。即使这对格鲁吉亚人民来说是一个短暂的缓解期,可他们善变的总统萨卡什维利私下里却将所有不包括《成员国行动计划》的事情比作纳粹的绥靖政策。

Even the enlargement that was supposed to be straightforward—expanding membership of NATO (and later of the European Union) to the Balkans—turned ugly because of an old row over Macedonia's name, shared by a Greek province. Macedonia had agreed to the formulation “Republic of Macedonia (Skopje)”; Greece wanted a compound formula such as “Upper Macedonia” or “New Macedonia” and blocked the invitation. The allies said Macedonia would join once the issue of the name had been settled.
虽然北约扩张计划打算采取直截了当的方式,即扩张到巴尔干半岛国家(将来还有欧盟成员国),但现在这样的方式却变得有些令人不耻,这是因为马其顿的名字长期以来就与希腊的一个省同名。虽然马其顿同意使用“马其顿共和国(斯科普里)”这一名称,可希腊却想用一个组合式国名,如“上马其顿”或“新马其顿”,并拒绝了北约邀请其加入。各成员国表示,马其顿国名问题一解决即可加入北约。

NATO invited Croatia and Albania, boosted ties with Montenegro and Bosnia, and offered Serbia a friendly hand. Franco-American friendship took a big step forward as France offered more troops to fight the Taliban and signalled its intention to return in 2009 to NATO's integrated military structure. Mr Bush compared Mr Sarkozy's arrival with the “latest incarnation of Elvis” and endorsed an EU plan to develop stronger defences.
北约还对克罗地亚和阿尔巴尼亚发出邀请,同时积极改善与黑山共和国及波斯尼亚的关系,并向塞尔维亚伸出了橄榄枝。法美间的关系也向前迈进一大步,这是因为法国愿增加军力来打击塔利班,并透露有意于2009年重回北约一体化军事体系中。布什以“猫王埃尔维斯的最新现身”来赞誉萨科齐的访问,并表示赞成欧盟的发展更强防御体系的计划。

With Vladimir Putin due to join the summit on April 4th, and then to host Mr Bush the next day in the resort of Sochi, the American president was balancing the need to maintain working relations with the Kremlin while not being seen to yield to threats. “The cold war is over. Russia is not our enemy,” said Mr Bush, restating his assurance that America's plan to set up its missile-defence shield in Poland and the Czech Republic was not aimed at Russia.
对于普京4月4日如期参加北约峰会,并于次日在度假胜地索契宴请布什,这位美国总统也正忙于平衡与俄罗斯保持工作关系的要求,但不想显现出他对威胁的妥协。布什表示:“冷战已经结束,俄罗斯不再是我们的敌人”,重申美国将在波兰和捷克共和国建立导弹防御体系目标并不是俄罗斯。

To America's delight, its allies embraced missile defence, recognising its “substantial contribution” to their security, and agreeing to seek ways to extend a shield to countries like Turkey. American sweeteners—offering to accept Russian liaison officers, promising not to switch on the system until a threat (from Iran) emerges, and holding out for Russian participation—impressed European sceptics.
令美国高兴的是,其盟友们接受了导弹防御体系,承认对他们的安全所做的“实质性贡献”,并同意寻找办法来庇护诸如土耳其这样的国家。而美国给出的优惠则是——承诺接受俄罗斯联络官员,承诺如果不受到(来自伊朗的)威胁,就不启动导弹防御体系,并期待俄罗斯的加入——这些条件让欧洲怀疑论者们大跌眼镜。

Yet at its core, the dispute within NATO is about the renewed threat from Russia. Members of “old Europe” may hope to avoid a clash with the Kremlin, but many countries of “new” Europe say the struggle has already begun. For them security lies in expanding the frontiers of what was once the transatlantic alliance to the Black Sea and ultimately to the Caspian.
而此次峰会的核心则是北约内部的争论,围绕俄罗斯的新威胁。“老欧洲”成员们或许希望避免与克里姆林宫发生冲突,但许多“新”欧洲国家们声称斗争早就打响。对他们而言,安全就是把这个曾横跨大西洋的联盟组织扩张到黑海,最终抵达里海。

Even its strongest advocates recognise that such expansion raises questions about the purpose of the alliance: should it be mainly a military organisation, or a political club of democracies? Radek Sikorski, the Polish foreign minister, questioned whether the promise of mutual defence from armed attack enshrined in Article 5 of NATO's charter was becoming “diluted”.
即使是北约最忠诚的拥护者也承认,这种扩张方式引发了有关北约初衷的疑问:它应该是一个以军事为主的组织,抑或是一个民主政治的俱乐部?波兰外交部长西科尔斯基也在质疑,北约宪章第五条款中所承诺的对武装袭击的多边防御是否已经“失效”。

Mr Sikorski wants NATO to move military infrastructure east. He complains that NATO hesitates even to make intelligence assessments of perils from Russia. Others want more attention to non-conventional threats, given last year's cyber-attack on Estonia, blamed on Russia. “We do a disservice to Russia by not taking it seriously,” said Toomas Ilves, Estonia's president.
西科尔斯基希望北约的军事基础设施能够东移。他抱怨道,北约竟不愿对来自俄罗斯的威胁做出情报评估。其他国家则希望更多地关注非传统威胁的问题,并列举出了爱沙尼亚去年遭黑客攻击的事件,对俄罗斯进行谴责。爱沙尼亚总统托马斯•伊尔韦斯说道,“我们是抱着无所谓的方式来打击俄罗斯的”。
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发表于 2010-4-29 03:06 | 显示全部楼层
1. 从总体上来说,翻译的水平很高,对于很多英语表达理解很到位,很适当的表现在翻译中。
2. 对于一些句子结构的理解有一些不足,主要是在两个分句间的逻辑关系理解不没有完全把握。英语的逻辑以关系词来表达,而中文是靠语义的。当然,一些关系副词的使用也是有必要的;
3.“We do a disservice to Russia by not taking it seriously,” said Toomas Ilves, Estonia's president.
这句话是一句“讽刺”的表达,而不是正面的表述!

一家之言,供参考!
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发表于 2010-4-29 03:11 | 显示全部楼层
这是我利用Word修改功能做的审校,供参考!
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发表于 2010-4-29 03:16 | 显示全部楼层
而此次峰会的核心则是北约内部的争论,围绕俄罗斯的新威胁。

这个译得很不好懂
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发表于 2010-4-29 03:21 | 显示全部楼层
谢谢Walter77了!这么有耐心的看完,还做了修改!
真的很感谢!这段时间在忙我的论文,所以很久没上来看,今天上来就看到您的评论了!
我会仔细比对您给的建议再做修改的!

还有shuandao,谢谢您的意见,呵呵,我也觉得不好懂,我会再做修改的啦!
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发表于 2010-4-29 03:26 | 显示全部楼层
最后一句好像译错了
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