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[经济学人] [2009.8.27] Kim Dae-jung 金大中

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发表于 2010-4-29 04:34 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
Kim Dae-jung
金大中


Aug 27th 2009
From The Economist print edition


Kim Dae-jung, Korean dissident-turned-president, died on August 18th, aged 83

金大中,韩国前总统,以持不同政见当选,卒于8月18日,享年83岁





THE moment had almost come. His wrists had been manacled, his eyes blindfolded. His mouth was stuffed with rags. Groggy with ether, nauseous with the rocking of the boat, he could dimly feel that weights had been attached to his legs. His kidnappers, presumably from the Korean CIA, were discussing what they would do if, instead of sinking, his body floated back up. Then, as Kim Dae-jung explained later,

just when they were about to throw me overboard, Jesus Christ appeared before me with such clarity. I clung to him and begged him to save me. At that very moment, an airplane came down from the sky to rescue me.
他几乎要大限将至,手戴镣铐,眼蒙黑布,嘴巴里塞着破布。乙醚让他头晕目眩,船板颠簸摇晃更让他几欲呕吐,恍惚间,他觉得有重物绑到他脚上。绑架他的人,——据说是韩国中情局的人——正在商量他要是没有沉下去而是浮起来了该怎么办。这时,正如金大中后来的描述,

正当他们要把我扔下船去,耶稣基督如此清晰的来到我的面前。我紧紧地抓住他,恳求他拯救我。 就在那一刻,一架飞机从天而降救了我。
Who was really behind the small plane, red light flashing, that warned the kidnappers not to kill him on that day in 1973, is still obscure. But heavenly benevolence was a force Mr Kim devoutly believed in. There were other interventions: the papal letter that saved him from hanging in 1980, and the divine diversion of the heavy truck that deliberately rammed his car in 1971, leaving him with a smashed hip that hobbled him all his days, but alive. Under Korea’s post-war dictators, Mr Kim was a dangerous man. For 40 years his left-liberal sympathies kept him in prison, under house arrest or in exile. In his scarce times of emergence, usually attempting to run in rigged elections, he needed all the protection he could get.

就在1973年的那一天,那个小飞机上红灯闪烁,令绑匪们不敢妄下毒手。尽管飞机上是谁至今尚不明确,但是金大中先生虔诚的相信这是天国的恩典。此外还有其他神施以援手的例子:教皇的一封信函使他免受绞刑;更有神乎其神的1971年那次,一辆重型卡车蓄意地撞向他的轿车,他的髋关节被碾碎,此后终生跛行,但依然奇迹般生还。在韩国战后独裁统治时期,金先生一直是一位危险人物。他对左翼自由主义者充满同情,这让他四十年来或身陷囹圄,或被软禁流放。他为数不多的几次抛头露面(通常是参加那些受到幕后操控的选举),都需要周全的贴身保护。

His readings of Mencius, an ancient Confucian philosopher (prison affording much time for reading, from Kant to Plato to J.K. Galbraith) convinced him that a ruler too was an envoy from Heaven, sent to bathe his people in charity and justice. That was why when he at last became president, in 1998, he invited to his inauguration the men who had wanted him dead, and forgave them. And that was why on June 13th 2000 he found himself on a red carpet in Pyongyang giving a bear-hug and an air-kiss to Kim Jong-Il, North Korea’s dictator, whose quiff of hair stood up with the shock of it. Mr Kim’s “sunshine” policy towards the communist North meant not just switching on a light or opening a door but, after Aesop’s fable, so flooding a man with warmth and love that he would spontaneously strip his coat off, disarmed.

他研读孟子——一位古代的儒家学者的著作(囚禁生涯给了他大量时间来阅读,从康德到柏拉图再到加尔布雷思)。这使他坚信一个统治者同时也是天国的使者,被派往人间来使人们沐浴在慈善和正义之中。这也是为什么在1998年在最终当选总统后,他邀请了那些曾欲置他于死地的那些人去他的就职典礼,并宽恕了他们。这也是为什么2000年六月十三日在平壤,在红地毯上,他给了金正日送上一个一个热情的拥抱和一个飞吻,这个北朝鲜的独裁者顿时惊得汗毛倒立。金先生的对共产党治下的北朝鲜的“阳光政策”的意义不仅仅是打开一盏灯或是一扇门,就像在《伊索寓言》里,这样一个内心充溢着温暖和爱心的人是会主动脱下外套,化解敌意的。

Love thy neighbour

爱尔邻舍


Thinking of this sort, reinforced by his conversion to Catholicism in the 1950s, encouraged some to see Mr Kim as a suffering saint. One fellow-countryman said he symbolised all the han, or deep collective grief, of modern Korea: Japanese colonisation, Soviet and American occupation, dictatorship. The Christian name he chose on conversion, Thomas More, helped the idea along. He was not so impressive to those who saw his heavenly visitations as sheer luck, and his love as naive.

认识到他是这样一种人,再加上在50年代他改变信仰,皈依了天主教,很容易让人们认为金先生是一个苦行的圣徒。他的一个同胞说他象征了那一代全体韩国人,或者说象征了他们的集体伤痛:日本的殖民入侵,苏联和美国的占领,以及独裁统治。Thomas More——这是他在皈依时给自己取的教名——这个名字也有助于理解这种说法。 有些人认为上天对他的垂询纯属撞大运,他的爱不过是种天真,对于他们,金大中当然只是不起眼的那一个。

Mr Kim was never expected to become president. He was doubly an outsider: a poor farmer’s son from the rocky, neglected south-western coast, and a “street-fighter” whose purpose was to agitate, brewing up seditious pamphlets in kitchens heady with kimchi and kerosene, rather than to govern the country. He did well in manifestly unfair elections, winning 46% of the vote in 1971, but when democracy arrived in 1987 his rivalry with another opposition leader, Kim Young-sam, still kept him out of power. It was the Asian fiscal debacle in 1997, when Korea, then the world’s 9th-biggest economy, had to be humiliatingly bailed out by the IMF, that swept him into office. Things couldn’t get much worse, Koreans felt. Why not give “DJ” a chance?

金先生原本从未想过当总统。他更像一个局外人:一个贫苦农民的儿子,来自被遗忘的西南海岸的山区。他还曾是个“街头斗士”,经常在满是刺鼻的泡菜味和煤油味的厨房里编写煽动性的小册子。目的只为了鼓动闹事,而不是掌管这个国家,1971年,在一场明显有失公平的选举中他一鸣惊人,赢得了46%的支持率。但是在1987年在一场民主选举中,他败给了对手金泳三,未能执掌大权。1997年的亚洲金融风暴时,韩国,这个世界第九大经济体,竟然屈辱地要依靠IMF的经济援助。但这把他推上了总统宝座。既然情况已经不能更糟了,韩国人觉得,为甚麽不能给“DJ”(双关,“大中”的首字母缩写和Disco jockey流行音乐节目主持人 译注)一个机会呢。

In office he surprised them: lucky again when the economy bounced back, as it had to, from a 7% contraction to 9% growth in a year, but also introducing human-rights laws and policies that freed up labour markets. As a firm believer in liberal economics, he started to tackle Korea’s huge family-owned conglomerates, the chaebol, reducing state subsidies to them, encouraging them to cull loss-making operations and to make public their accounts. The press, which he had tried to woo in opposition over regular lunches of sea cucumber, breathed freer air. Under him, South Korea became a democracy in more than name. He was particularly pleased that, on his watch, the country’s tear-gas factories all closed down.

在职期间,他的表现令人大吃一惊:好运再次眷顾因为经济反弹已是个必然——一年内从缩减7%到增长9%——但是向立法会提出人权法和一系列搞活劳动力市场的政策却更值一提。他笃信自由经济,着手整顿韩国那些大型家族企业,财团,减少政府对它们的补贴,鼓励它们缩减亏损项目的运营并公开财务状况。他曾经呼吁媒体起来反对把海参作为午餐,而在他的治下媒体们也呼吸着更自由的空气。南韩变成了一个真正的民主政体,而不仅仅停留在国名的标榜上。特别值得称道的是,在他的关注下,韩国所有的催泪瓦斯工厂全部关闭。

Yet the deep, slow, corrupted flow of Korean politics was not much improved by him. In power he unapologetically favoured his home region. The parties he formed, like all Korean parties (in P.J. O’Rourke’s words) had “the average life-span of a trout-stream mayfly hatch”. His election-winning alliance in 1997, principle laid aside, was with the founder of the KCIA. And the grip of Korea’s big companies was not entirely eased. It turned out that $500m, mostly from Hyundai, had preceded Mr Kim’s warm welcome in Pyongyang. He responded, typically: “A rich brother should not visit a poor brother empty-handed.”

然而,然而静水流深,腐败成风的韩国政坛并没有因他而改变多少。他也毫不掩饰使政策对家乡地区的倾斜。他组建的政党,像其他韩国政党一样,用P.J. O’Rourke的话说,“其平均寿命就像鳟鱼溪里一只蜉蝣的孵化时间”。1997年他的选举获胜的联盟竟然还包括韩国中情局的创立者,毫无与原则性可言。韩国大企业的支配地位并没有完全减弱。金先生在平壤受到热烈欢迎之前,已经有5亿美元已经先于他到达朝鲜了,其中大都来自现代。对此,他用他标志性的方式回应道:“一个富哥哥去看望穷弟弟总不能空着手吧。

That sunshine policy, too, he defended to the end, even though the northern Kim gave him the runaround, adding nuclear weapons to his “not very likeable” aspects, and even though George Bush mocked his efforts, publicly, at the White House. “The happiness we derive from being Christian”, Mr Kim wrote in prison, “consists in loving, not hating, our enemies.” His country, and the world, never ceased to be astonished that he meant it.

对阳光政策, 他也同样捍卫到底,即便北方的那个“金”对他闪烁其词,在他一副“令人不悦”的样子上又加了核武器一条,即便小布什在白宫公开嘲笑其徒劳无功。金先生在狱中写道:成为基督徒所获得的快乐在于去爱自己的敌人,而不是去恨他们。 他对信仰的奉行,一次又一次地震撼着他的国家,整个世界。
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