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[2007.01.13][Special Report] America in Iraq--The president's last throw

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发表于 2010-3-17 20:56 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
America in Iraq
The president's last throw
美国的伊拉克政策——总统最后一搏

Jan 11th 2007 | BAGHDAD, LONDON AND WASHINGTON, DC / 2007年1月11日
From The Economist print edition / 来自《经济学人》印刷版

George Bush announces one more push for “victory”. Is he just reinforcing failure?
乔治?布什宣布了又一推动“胜利”计划。他在强化失败吗?



HAIFA STREET evokes more dread than almost any other place in Baghdad. Its long gully of battle-scarred buildings, leading almost to the gates of America's fortified Green Zone, encapsulates the city's violent recent history. As a young man, Saddam Hussein found refuge in the area; later, he housed many of his top loyalists there. When the dictator was deposed, it became a stronghold of Sunni insurgents. American troops called it “Purple Heart Boulevard”, expecting to get killed or wounded on it.
在巴格达,海法街比几乎任何地方都更唤起人们心头的恐惧。街上的建筑饱受战火,伤痕累累,街渠几乎通到了美军绿区要塞的大门口,这里浓缩了巴格达最近的暴力史。萨达姆年轻时,曾在此地避难;后来,他在此安顿了他的许多头面效忠者。当这个独裁者被罢黜,这里成了逊尼派叛乱分子的据点。美军称此街道为“紫心大道”,士兵们预期会在此阵亡或负伤。(译注:Purple Heart即“紫心勋章”,是美国自1932年起授予作战负伤军人的奖章。)

After Iraq's first free elections in January 2005, a series of offensives brought Haifa Street under the control of Iraq's new army. Children played there, and the insurgents' graffiti were covered with slogans such as “Long live the National Guard”. These days, though, the boulevard is again one of Baghdad's bloodiest battlegrounds. The anti-coalition insurgents have been joined by sectarian death squads whose aim is the ethnic cleansing of mixed Sunni and Shia areas.
伊拉克于2005年一月举行首次自由选举之后,伊拉克新军针对叛乱分子采取了一系列进攻,重新控制了海法街。孩子们在那儿嬉戏,叛乱分子刻画的字迹上面覆盖满了标语,诸如“民族卫士万岁”等等。然而,这些日子,大道再次成了巴格达最血腥的战场之一。反对联合政府的叛乱分子有教派敢死队合流,后者的目标是对于逊尼派与什叶派杂居地区进行种族清洗。

On January 6th, for instance, police found the bodies of 27 people, probably Shias, with their throats slit or shot through the head, dumped in a cemetery near Haifa Street. And for the past week more than 1,000 American and Iraqi soldiers, backed by helicopters and jets, have been battling it out there.
例如在1月6日,警方在靠近海法街的一处墓地发现了27具尸体,遇害者可能是什叶派,他们不是被割喉就是毙命于一枪穿头。过去一周,在直升机与战斗机火力支援下,超过1000名美伊士兵在那儿与叛乱分子鏖战。

After expending so much blood, sweat and treasure—more than 3,000 soldiers killed, more than $300 billion spent—most Americans have lost hope and want to leave Iraq. Not so George Bush. He is convinced that “victory” is not just possible but essential, and that the Middle East can still be refashioned by democracy.
流血如此之多、流汗如此之甚,花费如此之巨。具体而言,超过3000名美军士兵阵亡,耗资超过了3000亿美元。在此之后,大多数美国人已经失望,惟愿撤离伊拉克。但乔治?布什却不作如是想。他确信,“胜利”不仅可能,也是根本的,而且民主仍然能使中东改头换面。

In a nationally televised address on January 10th he announced that he would send more than 20,000 extra troops to Iraq, mostly to help Iraqi forces in their new campaign to secure Baghdad. Some 4,000 additional troops would be destined for the violent western province of Anbar. American units will be “embedded” within Iraqi formations to help them hold neighbourhoods wrested from armed groups. The new military effort will be bolstered with economic, political and diplomatic measures. American commanders and officials will be given greater authority to spend money, a “reconstruction co-ordinator” will be appointed in Baghdad, and the Iraqi prime minister, Nuri al-Maliki, will be held firmly to a set of political “benchmarks”.
在1月10日对全国直播的演讲中,他宣布会加派超过20000名士兵前往伊拉克,主要在对巴格达维安新行动中帮助伊拉克军队。约4000名增援部队指定前往暴力盛行的西部省份安巴尔(Anbar)。美军战斗单位将“混编”入伊拉克部队,帮助他们守住从武装团体手中夺回的邻近地区。新的军事努力将辅之以经济、政治与外交手段以增其效。美国将赋予指挥官与官员更大的资金支配权,将在巴格达委任一名“重建协作员”,而伊拉克总理马利基将恪守一系列政治“规范”。

Mr Bush turned down bipartisan calls to woo Iran and Syria. Instead, he accused those countries of instigating the violence in Iraq. He confirmed the deployment of an extra carrier strike group and Patriot anti-missile batteries to the Middle East—a clear signal that he is not only willing to raise the stakes in Iraq, but is also giving himself the option of a military strike to halt Iran's suspected development of nuclear weapons. And underlining his promise to stop interference by Iran and Syria, and to destroy their networks, on January 11th American troops raided an Iranian consular office in northern Iraq.
布什拒绝了两党呼吁,拒绝向伊朗与叙利亚示好。他反而指控两国煽动伊拉克国内暴力。他证实将在中东额外部署一个航母战斗团以及爱国者反导部队,信号很明显,即,布什不仅愿意提高伊拉克博弈的赌注,也留了一手,以备制止伊朗可疑的核武发展计划时,对其进行军事打击。布什强调,他发誓要阻止伊朗与叙利亚干涉伊拉克,还要摧毁它们的关系网,美军于1月11日,突袭了位于伊拉克北部的伊朗领事馆。

Mr Bush admitted he had made “mistakes”, accepted that more Americans were likely to die, and told his audience not to expect a “surrender ceremony on the deck of a battleship”. Still, the war was part of “the decisive ideological struggle of our time”. Failure would bring catastrophe: the fall of the Iraqi government, “mass killings on an unimaginable scale”, the strengthening of radical Islam across the Middle East, danger for moderate governments, the creation of a terrorist safe haven and an Iran emboldened to build atomic bombs.
布什承认他犯了“错误”,接受了更多美国人要死亡的现实,并且告诉他的听众,别指望会有“舰船甲板上的受降仪式”。这场战争,仍然作为其部分构成“我们时代决定性的意识形态之争”。失败可能会带来灾难,这些后果不外乎:伊拉克政府倒台,“大规模杀戮的范围无法想象”,横贯中东的极端伊斯兰势力增强,各温和派政权面临危险,恐怖分子创造出一个安全的庇护所,以及伊朗大胆造出原子弹。

In deciding to redouble the war effort, Mr Bush now finds himself almost alone. General John Abizaid, the head of Central Command that oversees American strategy in Iraq and Afghanistan, all but rejected the idea of a “surge” of forces two months ago. He told a Senate hearing that raising troop levels by 20,000 would have only a “temporary effect” on security. But it would delay the day Iraqi forces could take control and, if prolonged, would place an unbearable strain on American ground forces that are already overstretched.
布什决定要加倍努力,却发现如今自己几乎成了孤家寡人。美国中央司令部司令约翰?阿比扎伊德(John Abizaid)将军,负责监督美国的伊拉克与阿富汗战略,所有措施他都用过,但派兵“大举进入(surge)”的想法在两个月之前就被他否决了。他在参议院的听证会上告诉大家,部队增加两万人对于安全形势只有“临时之效”。而这会推迟伊拉克军队接收控制权,如果接管进程拖延,还会对业已紧张过度的美军地面部队施加难以承受的压力。

Mr Bush has always said he would defer to his military commanders, but this time he did not take their advice. Instead, he dismissed General Abizaid and reshuffled key figures in his Iraq team. General John Casey, the commander in Iraq, has been booted upstairs to become the army chief of staff. The ambassador to Baghdad, Zalmay Khalilzad, has been sent to speak for America at the United Nations.
布什常说,他会听从军事指挥官,但是这次不接受他们的建议。他反而将约翰?阿比扎伊德将军解职,还重新安排了处理伊拉克问题团队中的关键人物。驻伊指挥官约翰?凯西(John Casey)将军更上层楼,成为驻伊美军总司令。美国派往巴格达的大使哈利勒扎德(Zalmay Khalilzad)已被派驻联合国。

Mr Bush also ignored the managed withdrawal advocated by the Iraq Study Group, a bipartisan commission co-chaired by James Baker, a former secretary of state. The strategy he plumped for was “surge”, an idea proposed by the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), a hawkish think-tank, and strongly backed by Jack Keane, a retired four-star general and former deputy chief of staff of the army. General Keane was the force behind an AEI report called “Choosing Victory: A Plan for Success in Iraq”, written by Frederick Kagan, a military academic, and issued on January 5th. This called for an even bigger surge of about 35,000 troops. Security, Mr Kagan wrote, was the precondition for a political solution, not the other way around. Only by offering credible protection could the Americans undermine the militias.
由詹姆斯?贝克(James Baker)同任主席的跨党委员会伊拉克研究小组(the Iraq Study Group)已经主张撤离,但布什也置之不理。他执意赞成“大规模增兵(surge)”,这是鹰派智库美国企业研究所(the American Enterprise Institute (AEI))的建议,该研究所得到约翰?吉恩(Jack Keane)的强力支持,他是退役的四星上将,曾任陆军副参谋长。AEI发表于1月5日的一份报告名为“选择胜利:在伊取胜之计划”,作者为军事学会会员Frederick Kagan,吉恩将军即为幕后推手。报告呼吁的派兵数量更大,多达约35000名。Kagan写道,保证局势安全,而非其他手段,是政治解决的先决条件。只有提供了可靠的保护措施,美军才能破坏形形色色的民兵组织。

The heart of the matter 问题之核心

The critical terrain is Baghdad: Iraq's most populous city, with 6m inhabitants of all sects (see map). It is both a main target for insurgents attacking coalition forces, and the centre of the sectarian war that has broken out since Sunni extremists blew up the Golden Mosque in Samarra, a Shia holy place, in February 2006.
重点地区就是巴格达,伊拉克人口最多的城市,所有教派的常住居民有6百万(参见地图)。逊尼派极端分子于2006年二月炸毁了什叶派圣地萨迈拉(Samarra)的金顶清真寺(the Golden Mosque),教派战争从此爆发。巴格达是叛乱分子攻击联军的主要目标,也是教派冲突的中心地带。



The Americans have long pursued an “oil-spot” strategy—establishing areas of stability that would, with time, expand. These tactics have had success in some areas, particularly rural towns where American forces can monitor access routes and where tribal chiefs know what is happening. In Baghdad, though, any calm is short-lived. Last summer's joint American-Iraqi operation, codenamed “Together Forward”, was followed by the most vicious round of killing yet seen in the city.
美国长久以来奉行“油点(oil-spot)”战略,即确立稳定与时相展的地区。这些策略在一些地区取得了成功,尤其是在美军可以监控出入通路的乡村小镇以及部落领袖了如指掌的地区。然而在巴格达,任何平静都很短暂。去年夏天美伊发动了代号为“携手并进(Together Forward)”的联合行动,接着就是到目前为止该城市所见的、最为凶恶的一轮杀戮。

Now, with the surge, “this is going to be completely different,” predicts General Keane. In the past, he says American and Iraqi forces could take only the first step of the three-stage strategy called “clear, hold, build”. They would clear insurgents out of parts of Baghdad. But the Americans lacked the numbers, and the Iraqis lacked the ability, to “hold” these areas, let alone rebuild them. With the promise of substantially more troops—five more American brigades in Baghdad to add to the four currently there, and the promise of 18 (smaller) Iraqi army and police brigades—General Keane says American forces will not only clear neighbourhoods of insurgents, but also stay behind and make sure that economic development follows immediately. Had these sensible tactics been followed in 2003, admits the general, the Americans would not be facing their current troubles. Still, he insists, it is not too late to change.
吉恩将军预计,如今随着增兵涌至,“局势将要彻底不同了”。他说,在过去,美伊两军只能做到“清除、守住、建设(clear, hold, build)”三阶段战略中的第一步。他们将会清除巴格达各区中的叛乱分子。但要“守住”这些地区,美军人手不足,伊军能力不够,罔论重建了。美方承诺充实部队,加派5个旅到巴格达补充现有的4个旅,还承诺帮助伊方组建18个(编制小一些的)军旅与警旅。吉恩将军说,美军不但要清除接邻的叛乱分子,也会留在背后支持以及确保经济立刻好转起来。将军承认,要是这些明智的策略在2003年时也跟进了,那时美国不必面对现在的困难。他仍然坚称,改变还不算太迟。

The man charged with implementing the new policy is General David Petraeus, who replaces General Casey. A former commander of the 101st Airborne Division that was deployed to Mosul, General Petraeus took charge of setting up the Iraqi army. He later led the training centre in Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, from where he co-authored the new American counter-insurgency field manual, published jointly by the army and marines last month.
戴维?彼得雷乌斯(David Petraeus)将军接替凯西(Casey)将军,负责落实新政策。彼得雷乌斯将军是101空降师的前任指挥官,他被派驻摩苏尔(Mosul),负责组建伊拉克军队。后来,他在堪萨斯州利文沃斯堡(Fort Leavenworth, Kansas)领导训练中心,在那儿与人合著了新版美军平叛战地手册,由陆军与海军陆战队在上个月联合出版。

This new doctrine calls on America's warriors to perform the novel task of “armed social work”. Rather than trying to kill as many terrorists and insurgents as possible, the troops' priority should be to win the support and trust of civilians, and thereby obtain the intelligence essential to identify the enemy. Counter-insurgency requires “vast resources” of manpower and much stamina in America, says the manual. Decades after expunging the idea of “small wars” from their textbooks after the trauma of Vietnam, American officers are relearning the lessons the hard way.
新的指导方针号召美军士兵执行新任务,名为“武装保障的社会福利工作(armed social work)”。美军优先要达到的目标该是赢得平民的支持与信任,借此获得鉴识敌人的情报重点,而非试图消灭尽可能多的恐怖分子与叛乱分子。手册上说,平叛要消耗美国的“巨大资源”,需要人力与很大的毅力。美国在越南饱受创伤之后,花了几十年从教科书上删去了“小战争”的概念,但美国的军官正困难地重学教训。

At the heart of counter-insurgency doctrine is the idea of winning over the uncommitted “passive” majority. But after so much killing, and the shattering of hopes, there may not be many fence-sitters left in Baghdad. Iraqi polls are unreliable, but they show a trend of growing support for killing Americans. One survey in September found that 61% of Iraqis—including a majority of Shias and almost all Sunnis—approved of attacks on coalition forces.
平叛原则的核心,是争取不作为的“被动”大多数。而在如此之多的杀戮与希望破灭之后,巴格达可能没剩很多骑墙派了。虽然伊拉克的民调是不可靠的,但都显示出的倾向越来越支持消灭美国人。九月的一份调查发现,61%的伊拉克人,包括什叶派的绝大多数与几乎所有逊尼派,都赞成进攻联军。

More American troops may or may not bring greater security. But they will offer more targets for insurgents to shoot at, and reinforce many Iraqis' resentment of the occupation. More civilians could get killed, whether by error, carelessness, or worse. One British general with experience in Iraq believes no amount of extra American troops will solve the problem. “It may look quiet when the Humvees go past during the day, but the militias will be back at night, murdering and intimidating.”
更多美军到来,可能会,也可能不会带来更多安全保障。而美军将给叛乱分子提供更多打击目标,也将增强许多伊拉克人对美军占领的怨恨。不论是因为错误还是粗心大意还是什么更糟的情况,更多平民会遇害。一位有伊拉克经验的英国将军相信,美军增兵对解决问题将毫无助益。“悍马军车在白天开过时,可能看起来形势平静,但民兵会在晚上回来,展开谋杀与恐吓。”

Feeling the strain 感受压力

By the counter-insurgency manual's own estimate, there have always been too few forces in Iraq to stabilise it successfully. The manual recommends a saturation strategy of 20-25 members of security forces for every 1,000 civilians: the kind of ratio used when NATO soldiers entered Kosovo in 1999. For a country the size of Iraq, that means 535,000-670,000 soldiers and policemen.
据平叛手册作者自己评估,用于成功稳定局势的部队总是太少。手册推荐了一套渗透策略,每1000名平民由20~25名安全部队成员控制,这是1999年北约军队进入科索沃时使用的军民比率。对于伊拉克这样规模的国家,意味着所需要的军队与警察要53万5千~67万名。

The American-led coalition invaded Iraq with fewer than 200,000 men and women. Today there are just 150,000 American, British and other troops. Even counting Iraqi security forces, the total still falls short at 473,000—and that ignores their weaknesses. Many members of the Iraqi security forces are routinely absent, the army is only partly capable of carrying out its tasks, and the police force is often corrupt and infiltrated by militias.
由美国领导的犯伊联军,其男女人数不足20万人。如今才15万美军、英军与别国军队。就是算上伊拉克安全部队,且不说他们太弱,总人数依然不足在47万3千人。许多伊拉克安全部队成员习惯性缺勤,这只军队仅能部分执行任务,而警察部队常涉贪腐并被民兵分子渗透。

The surge, then, may be too small to make a decisive impact and yet too large for the American armed forces to bear. The tempo of troop rotations in Iraq and Afghanistan is already in breach of the Pentagon's guidelines: two years at home for every year of operations abroad for the full-time army, and six years' relief for reserve citizen-soldiers who make up nearly half the current strength in Iraq. Equipment is being lost in battle or worn out much faster than anticipated. A bigger army would help, but it will take years to recruit and train new combat units.
然而,大肆派兵的影响太小,难以产生决定性的影响力,而对美国的武装部队而言,则要承受过大压力。美军在伊拉克与阿富汗轮换军队的速度已破坏了五角大楼的指导方针,原有的方针规定在海外全职服役一年后回国内两年,后备国民军几乎构成现有驻伊部队的半数,要担负六年换防。装备在战役中遗失或耗损,其速度比预计的快了许多。更庞大的军队可能有所助益,但招募新兵以及训练出新的战队要花费数年。



Nobody knows how much strain the ground forces can bear. Commanders worry about any sign of damage to morale, such as anecdotal evidence of rising divorce rates among servicemen. A poll in the Military Times last month found falling support for the war. Just 41% approved of the decision to go into Iraq, compared with 56% the previous year. Last June Ehren Watada, an army first lieutenant, became the first commissioned officer to refuse to serve in Iraq. He said the war was “not only morally wrong but a horrible breach of American law”. He will be court-martialled next month.
地面部队能承受多大压力,对此无人知晓。各指挥官忧心任何导致士气受损的信号,诸如有传闻军人的离婚率上升就是证明。《军事时报》(Military Times)上个月的一份民调发现,对战争的支持在下降。较之去年56%的支持率,仅41%赞成进入伊拉克的决定。去年七月,有位陆军首席中尉和多田(Ehren Watada)成为第一位拒绝赴伊服役的现役军官。他说,这场战争“不仅在道德上错误,也是对美国法律令人发指的违背”。他下个月要接受军事法庭的审判。

Nevertheless, Mr Bush has decided to stretch the army a bit more. The surge will be achieved by extending the service of troops in Iraq, speeding up the deployment of forces scheduled to arrive later this year, and calling up a fresh batch of reservists for duty in 2008.
然而,布什已决定将军队再扩充一点。扩展驻伊美军的服役期,加速部署今年晚些时候按进度到达的军队,号召全新的一批预备役人员在2008年入伍服役,这样就能做到大量增兵伊拉克。

General Keane says such a surge can be sustained for up to two years. But he recognises that it will not allow America to pacify the whole country, or even the whole of Baghdad, “simultaneously”. Instead he proposes to act “sequentially”, starting by securing the mixed Sunni-Shia neighbourhoods of Baghdad to show even-handedness, and then moving to the towns surrounding the capital before attempting to take on the most important Sunni and Shia strongholds. The risk is that, as in the past, the insurgents will just wait for the Americans to go away, or shift the killing to areas where there are fewer soldiers.
吉恩将军说,这样一次增兵至多持续两年。但他承认,美国无力“同时”平息伊拉克全国,甚或整个巴格达的局势。他反而建议按循序行动,从巴格达接邻的逊尼、什叶两派杂居区展现公平的维安开始,然后,在承接最重要的逊尼派与什叶派据点前,维安向首都周围的城镇转移。风险在于,一如过去,叛乱分子就等美国人离开,或者在驻军较少的地区交替行凶。

Mr Bush said that Iraqi and American forces will have a “green light” to go anywhere in the city. But General Keane thinks that they would be wise for the moment to avoid Sadr City, the bastion of Muqtada al-Sadr, a firebrand Shia cleric and one of Iraq's most powerful figures. Although his Mahdi Army is a prime instigator of the violence, General Keane says a direct confrontation would be too risky.
布什说,美伊军队在城中所到之处将“一路绿灯”。但吉恩将军认为,他们这时避开萨德尔城会是明智之举,煽风点火的什叶派教士萨德尔(Muqtada al-Sadr)以此地为堡垒,他是伊拉克最有权力的人物之一。虽然他的迈赫迪军(Mahdi Army)是暴力最主要的策动势力,吉恩将军说,直接对抗恐怕风险太大。

The trouble with politics 政治困境

Mr Bush's plan is to create some “breathing space”, bring down the violence to a level that the Iraqi security forces can manage and give them time to become more proficient. But to work, the military campaign has to be intimately bound up with economic and political progress. And the rub is in the politics.
布什计划创造一些“喘息的机会”,将暴力层级降低到伊拉克安全部队能掌控的程度,给他们一些时间变得更精通业务。但要行动奏效,军事行动必须与经济及政治进步密切配合。而抵牾存在于政治方面。

The president's “benchmarks” for the Iraqi government—sharing oil revenues fairly, spending $10 billion on reconstruction, holding provincial elections, revising the federal constitution and the “de-Baathification” process—are desirable. But they have mostly been heard before, and Mr Maliki's government has failed to achieve them. In any case, big political issues may matter little to gunmen who are often fighting to control the local market, the local petrol station or the local street.
布什对伊拉克政府的“规范”令人满意,要求伊政府公平分配石油收益,在重建、举行地方选举、修订联邦宪法及清除阿拉伯复兴社会党的遗患上,花费100亿美元。但这些要求以前就听说了,马利基政府无法兑现。总之,荷枪实弹的暴力分子常常交战,争夺地方市场、加油站或当地街道的控制权,政治大议题对他们而言,可能无甚关系。

Who are the sitting ducks? 谁是活靶?
(译注:a sitting duck意为“容易捕获的猎物”,喻指“容易击中的目标”)

America is losing its means of influence. Iraq has made its transition to full sovereignty, and elections have enshrined the country's ethnic divisions in its politics. The downtrodden Shias, including followers of Mr Sadr, now so dominate the government that it is no longer seen as a neutral arbiter. Despite American objections to the manner of Saddam Hussein's execution last month, it went ahead anyway amid shouts of “Muqtada! Muqtada!”
美国正在失去其发挥影响力的方法。伊拉克已经过渡到获得完全主权,选举使国家的族群分裂暗藏其中。原本被压制的什叶派,包括萨德尔的追随者,现在控制了政府,使政府不再被视为不偏不倚的仲裁者。尽管美国人在上个月萨达姆?侯赛因(Saddam Hussein)被处决一事上大有可议之处,但绞刑还是在“Muqtada! Muqtada!”的喊声中执行了。(译注:Muqtada即萨德尔的名字)

America's real leverage over the Iraqi government is the threat to pull out and abandon it to its fate. That is what Mr Baker's study group advocated. But Mr Bush cannot bring himself to do that. Could the Democrat-controlled Congress force him to it, by denying him the money to wage the war?
美国真正能对伊拉克政府产生作用的手段在于威胁说要撤离,不再影响大局,任由它去。贝克领导的研究小组就是这么主张的。但是布什不能让自己那么做。民主党控制的国会会通过拒绝拨款用于作战而逼他撤军吗?

Congress has used its power of the purse only in the most extreme circumstances, such as in the last couple of years of the Vietnam war. Doing so now would be rife with political dangers—allowing the Republicans to accuse the Democrats of overstepping their constitutional authority and, perhaps, enabling them to blame Democratic tight-fistedness if and when the war is lost. For the moment, the Democrats are considering only a symbolic non-binding vote of protest that would, in the words of Senator Joseph Biden, “demonstrate to the president he's on his own”. There could also be moves to block the increase in troop numbers while supporting the forces already in Iraq.
国会只有在最极端的情况下动用过财权,如在越南战争的最后数年。现在这么做充满政治风险,可能令共和党指控民主党违宪越权,也可能使共和党在如果战败与战败之时,指责民主党吝啬。此时,民主党考虑的仅是一次具有象征性且无约束力的投票以示抗议,用参议员约瑟夫?拜登(Joseph Biden)的话说即,此次投票将“对总统表明,他要自己负责”。在支持已驻伊部队之时,也会有阻止增兵的举措。

The unpopularity of the war is already reshaping the 2008 presidential race. Many Republicans, too, are expressing doubt about the war. The only Republican candidate to give vocal support to the “surge” is John McCain, the front-runner, but his hawkishness may hurt him. “If it destroys any ambitions I may have, I'm willing to pay that price gladly,” he said on January 5th. Most other candidates are either steering clear of the war or opposing it forcefully. Hillary Clinton, the Democratic front-runner, who had backed the war, said that Mr Bush would “continue to take us down the wrong road, only faster.”
这场不受欢迎的战争已经在为2008年的总统大选打开新局面。许多共和党人也在质疑战争。唯一对“大肆增兵”给予口头支持的共和党候选人是居领先地位的约翰?麦凯恩(John McCain),但其鹰派作风可能伤害他。他在1月5日说,“如果这摧毁了我可能拥有的宏愿,我愿意高兴地为此买单。”大多是其他候选人不是回避谈及战争,就是强力反对战争。希拉里?克林顿(Hillary Clinton)是民主党的佼佼者,曾经支持战争,而她说,布什将“继续带着我们一路错下去,只是走得更快了。”

John Edwards, who was John Kerry's running-mate in 2004, says the troops should be brought home. If he does well in the primaries, he could force the rest of the field to adopt a more anti-war stance. But in any event, the uproar in Washington is sending a powerful message to the insurgents on Haifa Street: no matter how many soldiers Mr Bush sends to Iraq, they may not stay very long.
曾与约翰?克里(John Kerry)在2004年搭档参选的约翰?爱德华兹(John Edwards)说,军队该撤回来了。如果他在党内初选中表现出色,他可能迫使其他竞争者采取更反战的立场。但不论怎样,华盛顿的喧闹声正给海法街上的叛乱分子发出一个有力的信号:不论布什往伊拉克派去多少士兵,他们可能都不会久久逗留。
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发表于 2010-3-17 20:56 | 显示全部楼层
歡迎眾方家挑刺兒。

睏了,先睡去了……
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发表于 2010-3-17 20:57 | 显示全部楼层
robinecupl,謝謝你的評點。

1. top一詞含有位階高的含義,譯為“鐵杆”似乎不能傳達出top的這一含義;
2. National Guard在美國指的是“國民警衛隊”,用於伊拉克,顯然不是這個含義;
3. “有”的意思和“與”有所區別,原文The anti-coalition insurgents have been joined by sectarian death squads....中,顯然常規的“叛亂分子”是主流,而“教派敢死隊”對於數量巨大的叛亂分子而言屬於少數,因此我用了“有”來暗示這層含義,如果是“與”,一般用於具有平行地位的群體才比較合適,一般人也是將所謂的“敢死隊”分子視為極端的“叛亂分子”,因此我認為改作“與”似乎不太妥當;
4. 這句你的理解更正確,我會修正一下。
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勋章哎~~嘻嘻 恭喜小沥青~

看到qq留言的话记得给我留言哦~呵呵~~~吃饭去了 回来接着改
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发表于 2010-3-17 20:57 | 显示全部楼层
謝謝胭脂!
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