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[经济学人] [2007.09.15]Niger-A radioactive rebellion

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发表于 2010-4-29 02:16 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
Niger尼日尔地区

A radioactive rebellion疯狂的叛乱
Sep 13th 2007 | NIAMEY∣写于2007年9月13日 尼亚美
From The Economist print edition∣摘自经济学人杂志印刷版


A combustible mix of rebellious nomads, uranium, oil and poverty
叛逆的游牧部落、铀、原油与贫穷让冲突一触即发


THE last time there was a crisis in the landlocked Saharan country of Niger, the president claimed his people were well-fed, yet images of skeletal children shocked the world and aid workers scrambled to deal belatedly with a famine. That was two years ago. Now nomadic rebels have taken up arms again in the north, but President Mamadou Tandja says they are nothing but a bunch of bandits.
在最后一次尼日尔撒哈拉内陆地带出现危机之时,国家总统称人民们丰衣足食,而瘦骨嶙峋的儿童照片却足以使全世界感到震惊,救援工作者们纷纷赶来治理饥荒也未能及时到来。那是两年前的事情了。现在,游牧部落的叛乱者们又一次在尼日尔北部地区拿起了武器,但总统马马杜•坦贾(Mamadou Tandja)却说他们对国家形成不了威胁,那只是一群乌合之众罢了。

It is a lot more menacing and complicated than that. Seven months after its first attack on Niger's army, the Niger Movement for Justice (MNJ) is rattling Mr Tandja. Fifty government soldiers have been killed and dozens more kidnapped. The entire north has been turned into a battle zone, with army checkpoints and both sides laying landmines. Charter flights no longer bring tourists to gaze at the dunes.
事实上,这次的叛乱比总统之言更具威胁性且更复杂化。这个叛乱者组织名为尼日尔正义运动,他们在第一次攻击了尼日尔的陆军部队的七个月后,又开始让总统先生感到慌乱。五十名政府军战士被杀害,数百军人被绑架。尼日尔的整个北部地区如今已经成为了一个战争地带,那里到处布满了陆军的路障,而且双方部队都在安置地雷。包机所带来的不再是想要观赏沙丘的游客。

Even if the president does not openly recognise the gravity of the rebellion, he is plainly determined to crush it. He has dispatched 4,000 soldiers to the northern region of Agadez. On August 24th he declared a state of alert, giving them a free rein to operate. Television and radio stations have been banned from discussing the crisis live on air and journalists are barred from going near the affected area. “You can't report up there: there's a blackout,” an official told The Economist's correspondent when he asked for accreditation.
即使总统先生没有公开承认这次叛乱对国家造成的影响,但他已极为坚定地下决心要打击它。总统已经向北部阿加德兹地区(Agadez)派遣了四千名军人。八月二十四日,总统宣布了全国进入警戒状态,这样就能让派遣的战士们放开手脚去打击叛军。电视台与广播电台被禁止播出与谈论关于此危机的情况,新闻记者们也受到阻止,不能进入战乱区域。“你不能到那个地方去报道新闻,此地的报道已经禁止,”《经济学人》杂志的记者在请求鉴别事情的真实情况时,一个官员如是说。

                                    

This rebellion is the latest in a series of uprisings led by the Tuareg. They are Saharan nomads who were split up between five post-colonial countries (see map). Long complaining of neglect, they first rebelled against their new masters in the 1960s, in Mali. In the 1990s they again rebelled there and also in Niger. Both countries are now dealing with fresh revolts that are loosely connected.
这次的叛乱是柏柏尔人领导的一系列起义中最近的一次。他们是撒哈拉地带的游牧部落,是在五个被殖民国独立后分裂出来的(见上图)。这些部落长久以来抱怨着被政府所忽视,他们第一次的叛乱是在十九世纪六十年代于马里举行的反抗新选国家元首的活动。到了十九世纪九十年代,他们又一次地在马里并在尼日尔举行叛乱。这两个国家目前都在打击着关联不大的新近的反叛运动。

Depicted by some as simple nomads wandering around the desert on camels or motorbikes, in fact the MNJ is well organised. Heavily armed and guided by GPS systems and satellite phones, its guerrillas launch lightning attacks before fading back into the desert sands. The MNJ's contacts in Europe or underground in the capital, Niamey, then inform the world via the group's website. Keen not to depict themselves as a purely Tuareg movement, the rebels say they want a fairer slice of the country's wealth, especially from its gold, oil and uranium, all found in the north. The UN rates Niger, despite its natural resources, the poorest country in the world.
有些人对这些游牧部落进行了简单的描述,即他们都是一些骑着骆驼或摩托车在沙漠地带游牧的一些人,而事实上,尼日尔正义运动却组织严密。该组织装备着卫星导航系统与卫星通信电话,因此他们的游击队能巧妙地发动快速进攻并消失到沙漠之中。他们在欧洲或在首都尼亚美进行联络,然后通过组织的网站向全世界报道尼日尔的丑行。这个组织并不期待被描述成为一个纯柏柏尔人的运动,其叛军成员们讲道,他们期望较公平地分到国家的财富一杯羹,尤其是国家的黄金、原油与铀——都是这些在北部地区发现的。而联合国在不考虑尼日尔的自然资源的情况下,将该国列为全世界最贫穷的国家。

While Mr Tandja sounds firmly against negotiation, some people in and outside his government may be readier to talk. But he is under pressure from his southern-dominated army not to give ground.
坦贾总统拒绝谈判的决心看来非常坚定,但其政府内外的一些人士却可能趋于妥协谈判。然而,总统先生却遭到了南部军方的压力——决不给叛军任何的余地。

The conflict could spread
反叛冲突会得到大范围的响应


Regional politics are also at play. Neighbouring Libya has a longstanding territorial dispute over Niger's north and many in Niamey, including some in the government, accuse Muammar Qaddafi and his regime in Tripoli of backing the revolt.
地区性的紧张政局也初见波澜。邻国利比亚长久以来就争议着尼日尔的北部地区,包括许多政府要员在内的尼亚美人也指责穆阿玛尔•卡扎菲(Muammar Qaddafi)及其在的黎波里(Tripoli)的政权对暴乱的支持。

Uranium is a big factor too. With more governments around the world planning for nuclear power and Niger producing some 3,500 tonnes of uranium a year, the apparently empty wastes of northern Niger are suddenly worth fighting over. A French nuclear company, Areva, which operates in the north but recently lost its 36-year monopoly, has been labelled sympathetic to the rebels, who recently seized a Chinese uranium worker, presumably to deter China from backing Niger's government. Niger's uranium production is still going up; 90 new exploration permits have been handed out in the past year.
铀也是一个很大的因素。如今越来越多的国家开始计划启动核能项目,而尼日尔每年能产出三千五百吨的铀,这样就使得原本空无一物的北部地区突然又值得为之争战。一个法国核能集团Areva长期在北部地区开采铀资源,但最近却被剥夺了其垄断开采权,因此该集团也赞成叛军的议和条件。据最新消息,叛军最近抓获了中国一个铀矿开采工,估计他们这样是为了强迫中国不要支持尼日尔政府。尼日尔的铀产量仍在与日俱增,去年就签发了九十份新的开矿许可证。

The Sahara is also at the centre of an American initiative to stop terrorism getting a foothold in Africa. But apart from the odd smuggling deal over guns, drugs or cigarettes, no solid links between the Tuareg and Islamist groups have been established. Still, Western governments may have to take the rebellion seriously. It is unlikely to be squelched by military means alone. Muhammad Anacko, a former rebel leader in the 1990s who is now Niger's commissioner for peace, is calling for dialogue. The rebellion “may last five years or 15 years but it will end in talks,” he says. “Why don't we just go to them now?”
撒哈拉地带也是美国重点打击的对象,以防止恐怖主义分子在非洲找到立足点。但是,柏柏尔人除了偶尔从事一些枪支、毒品或烟叶的走私,他们与伊斯兰教团体并没有证据确凿的关联。但西方国家的政府仍然会严肃对待尼日尔的叛乱事件。而对于此事件,尼日尔政府可能不会仅靠军事行动来压制。现任安全委员穆哈曼•安纳扣(Muhammad Anacko)现在主张进行和谈,而此人正是十九世纪九十年代的前任叛军领袖。叛乱事件“可能会持续五年或十五年,但最终还是要进行和谈”,他讲道,“为什么我们现在不采取此明智之举?”
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