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[经济学人] [2007.04.19] It might have been otherwise (本应该是不同的)第一帖by HE

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发表于 2010-4-29 01:36 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
The occupation of Iraq

It might have been otherwise
Apr 19th 2007
From The Economist print edition


The lament of an Iraqi politician who supported the war
一位曾支持战争的伊拉克政治家的悲伤



IF LIBERATING a nation from an egregious dictatorship had been the initial impulse behind the invasionof Iraq, it might have been a “just war”. Instead, writes Ali Allawi in the poignant closing pages of this book, when Saddam Hussein's supposed weapons of mass destruction failed to materialise, other justifications became necessary. Freedom was an afterthought.
如果将一个国家从一个极度独裁专政中解放出来是伊拉克战争的最初动力的话,它本应该是一场“正义的战争”。但是,阿里.阿拉维在这本书的尖锐的最后几页写道,当猜测中的萨达姆.侯赛因的大规模杀伤性武器并没有成真的时候,其他的借口就是必须的了。自由就是一个事后聪明。

No one had wanted to believe in the justice of the enterprise, and in its ultimate success, more fervently than Mr Allawi. He had watched, from exile, his compatriots suffer. He had worked with the diverse, fractious Iraqi opposition. He was a true believer. Then, after the regime was toppled and he became defence, then finance, minister in successive post-Saddam governments, he had an inside seat as the whole thing unravelled.
没有人曾像阿里.阿拉维一样愿意狂热的相信这场战争的正义和它的最终胜利。在流亡期间,他密切的注视着他的同胞遭受的苦难。他曾经和不同的、易怒的伊拉克反对派一起工作。他曾是一位真正的信徒。因而,在当权政府倒台之后,他在接下来的后萨达姆政府中先担任了防卫部长和财政部长,他是整个政府的一位核心人员。

Others have chronicled what went wrong. Few have witnessed events so close up, and with so intimate a knowledge of the gap between (Iraqi) reality and (American) expectation. “The entire process of planning for a post-war Iraq”, he writes, “was mired in ineptitude, poor organisation and indifference.” The first post-Saddam administration, the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) under Paul Bremer, became trapped in “blindly optimistic” group-think. It was reluctant to call the insurgency by its name; it squandered reconstruction money; it addressed the Iraqi public with “alien rhetoric”. Mr Bremer himself displayed “distaste, bordering on contempt” for some of the figures in the Iraqi Governing Council (IGC), the body he set up to put an Iraqi face on the occupation. Not surprisingly, the CPA and the IGC viewed one another with mistrust and not a little incomprehension.
其它的人已经记录了什么出了问题。几乎没有人如此靠近的见证这些事件和如此紧密的了解(伊拉克)现实和(美国)期望之间的鸿沟。“整个筹划战后伊拉克的过程”,他写道,“被无能、拙劣的组织和冷漠困扰。”第一任后萨达姆行政机关,保罗.布雷默领导的联盟驻伊拉克临时管理当局(CPA)陷入了盲目乐观的集体思维。CPA不愿意承认叛乱状态;它浪费了许多重建资金;它用“外国废话”对伊拉克公众演讲。布雷默本人对“伊拉克管理委员会”(IGC)中的一些人物表示了“厌恶、近乎蔑视”。他设立IGC这个机关是为了在占领当局中增加伊拉克的面孔。一点不奇怪,CPA与IGC彼此用不信任和极不了解审视对方。

Most of this critique is familiar enough. What sets it apart is Mr Allawi's angle of vision, as a thoughtfulShia Muslim intellectual, loyal to his community but determined to be fair-minded.
许多此类的批评已经相当为大家熟悉。这些与阿拉维,一位颇有创见的,忠于他的群体但坚决保持公正的什叶派穆斯林智者的视角并不相同。

It has become commonplace, for example, to say that the Americans were woefully ignorant of Iraq's turbulent history and tangled sociology. Mr Allawi goes much further, arguing persuasively that they fundamentally misread Iraq's political culture. They simultaneously overrated the power of its secular middle class and underestimated the attachment of the majority Shias to their faith and to their religious leaders. The idea that the mass of Iraqi Shias would be willing accomplices in their country's makeover into a secular, liberal democracy—which America's neo-conservatives clung to as an article of faith—was absurd.
比如,美国人不幸地忽略了伊拉克动荡的历史和混乱的社会状态这种说法是相当普遍的。阿拉维走的更深入,他令人信服的论证到美国人从根本上就误读了伊拉克的政治文化。同时他们过高的估计了世俗的中产阶级的力量,低估了大多数什叶派穆斯林对他们信仰和宗教领袖的忠诚。这种认为大多数伊拉克什叶派穆斯林将协助将他们的国家转变为一个世俗的,自由民主的国家--美国新保守主义的一条信仰――的想法是荒唐的。

This fundamental error led to others. There was the naive belief that Ayatollah Ali Sistani, the most senior Shia cleric, favoured the separation of mosque and state when, in fact, it was he more than anyone else who was to secure the electoral triumph of the Shia Islamists. And the young firebrand Muqtada al-Sadr was written off as a street thug rather than the leader of a loose-knit but significant grassroots movement among the Shia poor.
这种根本的错误导致了其他的影响。什叶派最资深的神职人员阿里.西斯塔尼的幼稚信条,倾向将国家和清真寺分离开来,实际上,那时,是他而不是别人想要保护什叶派选举上的胜利。并且年轻的煽动叛乱者撒达尔被一笔勾销为一名街头暴徒而不是在什叶派穷人之间松散但巨大的草根运动的领袖。

Mr Allawi does not spare the occupiers. For him, the fortified Green Zone in Baghdad became over time the symbol of all that had gone wrong since the invasion: an air-conditioned bubble in which a ruling elite wrapped itself, wholly out of touch with the chaotic, violent world of ordinary Iraqis outside.
阿拉维不会宽恕占领者。对于他来说,巴格达加强防卫的绿区随时间推移成了这次侵略后各种错误的象征。统治的精英分子将他们包裹在装有空调的保护罩中,完全与外面普通伊拉克人的混乱的,暴力的世界失去了联系。

But he does not spare his fellow Iraqi politicians either. The new political class has presided over an “explosion in corrupt practices, bordering on the open plunder of the state's resources”. Mr Allawi, who is in a position to know, narrates in depressing detail how millions of dollars of the defence-procurement budget were spirited out of the country during the interim government of his cousin, Iyad Allawi. He implies that several heads should have rolled; none did. Lacking any coherent vision for the new Iraq, an often corrupt and incompetent coterie perpetuated many of the mistakes of Mr Bremer's CPA, compounding them with new ones of their own.
但是他叶不会宽恕他的伊拉克政治家同伴。新的政治阶层负责“贪污行为的爆发,对国家资源的近乎公开抢劫”。阿拉维用沉闷的细节讲述了在他职位上了解到的他的侄子-艾亚德.阿拉维在临时政府期间怎样将数百万美元的防卫采购预算偷偷带出国外。他暗示到一些头目应当被记录,但一个也没有。对新伊拉克缺乏任何统一的看法,一个通常是腐败和无能的小圈子延续了布雷默的CPA的许多错误,将这些错误和他们自己的新错误混在一起。

Mr Allawi is as impartial as it is possible for someone in his position to be (no longer a government minister, he is an adviser to the current prime minister). But he does have opinions. Some may think him too harsh on Iyad Allawi, whose interim government he clearly sees as an unnecessary way-station on the road to Shia empowerment, and too indulgent towards his colleague Ahmad Chalabi, the Iraqi politician who more than any other seduced policy wonks in Washington into believing that Iraq would be easy. Mr Allawi is a moderate but, unlike Mr Chalabi, he is no secularist. A devout man, he is sympathetic to Shia Islamism, though by no means blind to its excesses. He acknowledges that Iran is stirring the Iraqi pot but has no time for the shriller forms of Iran-bashing.
阿拉维就像任何一个在他位置上(不在是政府部长,他是现任总理的顾问)的人可能的那样不偏不倚。但是他有意见。某些人可能觉得他对艾亚德.阿拉维太过苛刻,他的临时政府阿拉维明确的认为是在什叶派掌权途中不必要的中途站。并且对于他的同事艾哈迈德.卡拉比,就是那位而不是其他人的诱使华盛顿的政策书呆子相信伊拉克是很简单的事。阿拉维是温和的,但是与卡拉比不同,他不是一个世俗主义者。作为一个虔诚的人,他同情什叶派穆斯林,虽然他没有办法对他们的暴行视而不见。他承认伊朗正在摇动伊拉克这个壶但是没有时间来面对伊朗形式尖锐的指责。

One can dissent from one or other of these positions. But the thing about Mr Allawi is that reasonableness keeps breaking through. “It might have been otherwise,” he laments, more in sorrow than in anger, as he reflects on the whole sorry saga. Might it? People such as Mr Allawi, who put their faith in the invasion of Iraq, are entitled to feel betrayed. The Occupation of Iraq: Winning the War, Losing the Peace.
有人可以不同意这个或那个看法。但是关于阿拉维的事情就是合理维持突破。“本因该是不同的”,他后悔道,更多的是悲哀而非愤怒,当他反思整个让人遗憾的事件时。像阿拉维一样信任对于伊拉克的侵略的人,有权感到被背叛。占领伊拉克:赢得了战争,失去了和平。


The Occupation of Iraq: Winning the War, Losing the Peace
By Ali A. Allawi



Yale University Press; 518 pages; $28 and £18.99

Buy it at
Amazon.com
Amazon.co.uk
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发表于 2010-4-29 02:11 | 显示全部楼层
虽说是最早注册的会员,但是一直拖到今天才回来。
想报名参加翻译团队。
今天这是第一篇:loveliness: ,感觉有很多理解不通顺的地方:L 。希望能得到各位大牛的指教。
谢谢:lol
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发表于 2010-4-29 02:46 | 显示全部楼层
I've just briefly viewed HE's translation, the overall translation is pretty good, for some sentences, I have some different opinions, so I just list them here for discussion:

1. Freedom was an afterthought.
"afterthought" should be understood as " 后来添加的东西".

2. What sets it apart is Mr Allawi's angle of vision, as a thoughtful Shia Muslim intellectual, loyal to his community but determined to be fair-minded.
这些与阿拉维,一位颇有创见的,忠于他的群体但坚决保持公正的什叶派穆斯林智者的视角并不相同。
HE has misunderstood the structure of this sentence.
In "what sets it apart" part, "it" refers to "author's veiw", the whole sentence can be understood as "what set it apart [from other views] is Mr Allawi's angle of vision..."

3. There was the naive belief that [Ayatollah Ali Sistani, the most senior Shia cleric, favoured the separation of mosque and state when, in fact, it was he more than anyone else who was to secure the electoral triumph of the Shia Islamists].
什叶派最资深的神职人员阿里.西斯塔尼的幼稚信条,倾向将国家和清真寺分离开来,实际上,那时,是他而不是别人想要保护什叶派选举上的胜利。

HE has misunderstood the structure of this sentence.

4. translated "presided over" to " 负责" is improper.

5. Mr Allawi, [who is in a position to know], narrates in depressing detail how ...
阿拉维用沉闷的细节讲述了在他职位上了解到的...
Failed to translate this Attributive Clauses correctly...

6. and too indulgent towards his colleague Ahmad Chalabi, the Iraqi politician who more than any other seduced policy wonks in Washington into believing that Iraq would be easy.
并且对于他的同事艾哈迈德.卡拉比,就是那位而不是其他人的诱使华盛顿的政策书呆子相信伊拉克是很简单的事。
incomplete translation, fail to translate 'indulgent towards', and the underscore sentence  is hard to understand.

7. "Lacking any coherent vision for the new Iraq", is the omission of "Because Mr Bremer's CPA is lacking any coherent vision for the new Iraq, ..."

8.  Might it?  
HE missed this sentence.
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发表于 2010-4-29 03:56 | 显示全部楼层
3 There was the naive belief that [Ayatollah Ali Sistani, the most senior Shia cleric, favoured the separation of mosque and state when, in fact, it was he more than anyone else who was to secure the electoral triumph of the Shia Islamists].
认为什叶派最资深的神职人员阿里.西斯塔尼倾向将国家和清真寺分离开来的想法是幼稚的,实际上,那时,是他而不是别人想要保护什叶派选举上的胜利。

2. What sets it apart is Mr Allawi's angle of vision, as a thoughtful Shia Muslim intellectual, loyal to his community but determined to be fair-minded.
阿拉维,一位颇有创见的,忠于他的群体但坚决保持公正的什叶派穆斯林智者的视角与其他人并不相同。
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发表于 2010-4-29 04:31 | 显示全部楼层
5. Mr Allawi, [who is in a position to know],
阿拉维,处在一个能了解情况的职位上,


6、and too indulgent towards his colleague Ahmad Chalabi, the Iraqi politician who more than any other seduced policy wonks in Washington into believing that Iraq would be easy.
并且对于他的同事艾哈迈德.卡拉比,就是那位而不是其他人诱使华盛顿迂腐的决策人士相信伊拉克是小菜一碟的,太过纵容。

8、 Might it?  
这样可以吗?
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