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[经济学人] [2008.12.18]The magnificence of Nicolas Sarkozy尼古拉斯. 萨科奇的无上魅力

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发表于 2010-4-29 00:37 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
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The magnificence of Nicolas Sarkozy
尼古拉斯. 萨科奇的无上魅力

Dec 18th 2008
From The Economist print edition


France tries a novel approach: anticipating the Lisbon treaty
法兰西不走寻常路:提前执行《里斯本条约》





PONDERING a moment of futile British courage—the charge of the Light Brigade at Balaklava, during the Crimean war—a French general, Pierre Bosquet, concluded that “it is magnificent, but it is not war.” The phrase comes to mind again judging France’s rotating presidency of the European Union under the leadership of Nicolas Sarkozy. In its thundering pace and reckless disregard for the rules, Mr Sarkozy’s chairmanship was also magnificent. But it was not a normal EU presidency, at least as other countries conceive of such things.
谈到克里米亚战役巴拉克拉瓦之战英轻骑兵的进攻时,法国皮埃尔. 波苏克将军先是沉思片刻,然后给傻不楞瞪的英格兰大无畏精神下了个结论:“很壮观,不过仗不是这么打的。”在评判尼古拉斯. 萨科奇这个欧盟轮值主席干得怎么样的时候,波苏克将军的话再次回响在人们脑海中。无视办事规则,愣头愣脑大步流星,萨科奇先生的轮值主席做得也很“壮观”。不过,这是一任不平凡的主席,至少出乎众人意料。



At the end of the Brussels summit on December 11th and 12th, Mr Sarkozy declared that the meeting would “go down in European history”. In ways he found “fantastic”, he had shaken up the EU’s habits, tripling the usual number of summits, and pushing his peers towards “less talk and much more action”. The word immodest does not do justice to Mr Sarkozy on such occasions. He does not so much brag about his achievements as offer a running commentary about the wonder of being himself. Being in charge of Europe had been “fascinating, fulfilling and rather easy,” he commented at one point.
本度布鲁塞尔峰会末(12月11日~12日),萨科奇先生宣布此次会议将“载入史册”。把峰会召开次数增加三倍,敦促成员国“少说话多做事”,一个个惯例被他改得面目全非,还自称“成果斐然”。这样就说萨科奇先生“自负”实在不地道,他又没有喋喋不休地夸耀自己能力超群,只不过觉得管理欧洲“有趣、充实、小菜一碟”而已。



Politicians are always calling things historic. Usually all that this means is “something that happened while I was in office”. But this time Mr Sarkozy is right to use the word. His six months were supposed to be dominated by routine Euro-business such as finalising a deal on climate-change measures and a French-tinged campaign to build a “more protective Europe”. Instead, as is so often the way , Mr Sarkozy found himself managing the EU through some grave crises.
政治家喜欢说“某事”具有历史意义,其实就是本人在任期间的事儿,但萨科奇先生用这个词可谓天经地义。本来,这半年任期应该一如往常地充斥着各种欧洲事务,如敲定气候变化应对方案,发起泛着法国色彩的运动来打造“欧洲更强贸易保护伞”。而他却一如往往常地发现,跟国内一样,管理欧洲免不了要处理一堆危机。


He took office days after a referendum in Ireland in which voters had rejected the Lisbon treaty, a set of changes to the EU’s institutional rule book. Then came the August war between Russia and Georgia. Above all, there was the global economic meltdown. The nature of these events rendered moot the usual Eurosceptic question: is joint EU action really necessary? It was—and, more crucially, it was needed fast.
就在上任不久前,爱尔兰全民公投拒绝了欧盟制度规则书《里斯本条约》,然后发生了八月俄格战争,最后是全球经济低迷。透过这些事件的本质,欧盟反对者不禁将他们的疑问再次百上台面:欧盟联合行动真的有必要吗?答案是有,而且要快。



Skilful French prodding forced the pace on concrete plans to parcel out the costs of slashing European greenhouse-gas emissions. It was March 2007 when EU leaders first agreed to cut emissions by a fifth by 2020, and to generate 20% of energy from renewable sources. As EU economies slumped, fears grew that leaders might drag their feet on a final deal. Italy and Germany fretted that heavy industry might flee to less restrictive parts of the world, while the east Europeans worried about the costs of it all. Yet after some financial sweeteners for the noisiest, EU leaders did a deal at the summit rather than be left behind by a newly green-tinged American administration.
减少排放温室气体会增加成本,而这个成本该怎么分摊,欧盟内部始终没能拿出一套具体方案。结果,萨科奇先生舌绽莲花,硬是催生出具体方案的雏形。2007年3月,欧盟领导人首次达成共识:各国到2020年将温室气体的排放量减少五分之一,并保证百分之二十的能源来自可再生材料。随着欧盟经济急转直下,人们开始担心各国元首会在最终方案出台之际临阵脱逃。果然,意大利和德国忧心忡忡地说,重工业可能躲到条件宽裕的角落里继续生产;东欧领导人也打着成本的旗号双眉紧锁。萨科奇先生使了些银子来封住那些叫得最凶的声音,最终促使各国领导人在那次峰会上达成了协议,没有被嫩绿色的美国政府比下去。



Rotating EU presidencies are not meant to push national agendas, but to consult and identify the consensus view. That is the theory. For good or ill, Mr Sarkozy has little time for it. He repeatedly startled France’s traditional ally, Germany, with unexpected proposals. He forged a hasty (and flawed) peace deal in Georgia without a formal mandate—sidelining the EU’s foreign policy chief, Javier Solana. At an EU-Russia summit, he went far beyond his remit by criticising the notion of American missile defences in Poland and the Czech Republ
一国的事务议程本来轮不到欧盟轮值主席来推动,轮值主席应该负责协商共识,确立共识——理论上是这样的。不管怎样。萨科奇先生都没闲工夫管这些了。他忙着用各种提议三番五次地把同盟国德国弄得措手不及,忙着起草未经授权、漏洞百出的格鲁吉亚和平协议,把欧盟外交政策专员哈维尔. 索拉纳晾在一边;欧盟俄国峰会中,他还忙着越俎代庖地责怪美国在波兰和捷克共和国的导弹防御计划。



The French presidency also tried to bounce other countries into such Gallic dreams as “European sovereign-wealth funds” to protect companies from takeover. France repeatedly pushed for governments in the euro area to have more say over things like exchange rates. And in off-the-record briefings, Mr Sarkozy and his close aides belittled the European Commission, suggesting that it should leave the business of taking political initiatives to national governments (with a special role for an inner core of countries, built around the 15-strong euro group, plus Britain).
除此,这位法国总统还给他人强行施加高卢人的梦想,例如建立“欧盟主权财富基金”避免公司收购。他多次要求,欧元区成员国应该在汇率之类的事务上拥有更多话语权。某次内部吹风会上,甚至与助手出言不逊,暗示欧盟委员会应当有自知之明,把政治提案交由各国政府处理——以使核心国(英国加欧元区十五大国)享有特殊地位。


A power grab by the big大国的权利

In a sense Mr Sarkozy acted as if the Lisbon treaty were already in force—or rather, the bits of it that he likes. These include rules allowing small groups to push ahead with deeper integration and, above all, an article that gives a leading role to a new full-time president of the European Council to represent national governments. A strong Europe must be built on “strong nations”, Mr Sarkozy said on December 16th, summing up his stint as boss of all Europe. Big countries do not have more “rights” than the small, he added soothingly, but they do have more “responsibilities”.
有时,萨科奇先生的言行举止让人觉得《里斯本条约》仿佛早已生效——准确说来是他喜欢的那些条款早已生效,比如允许小国进一步整合,尤其是赋予全职欧盟主席代表各国政府拍板的权利。12月16日的任期总结中他说,强大的欧洲必须建立在“强大的国家”之上。随即又宽慰道,大国没有更多“权利”,但有更多“义务”。



Even though it boosts big countries, federalists love Lisbon because it also offers more majority voting, which they think will reduce the ability of dissenters to block new policies. Where it suited them, the French acted as if majority voting were already in force, notes an EU diplomat. Yet in other dossiers, like climate change, Mr Sarkozy sought unanimous agreement, even though he did not have to. “Imagine the weakness” of a climate change deal imposed on an unhappy minority, he said (rightly).
虽然《里斯本条约》倒向大国,可许多联邦主义者依然拥戴这个条约,因为多数投票制能扫清来自异议者的阻力,有利于通过新措施。然而,据欧盟外交人员透露,法国在符合本国利益的议案上实行多数投票制,在诸如气候变化方面又要求全票通过制,多此一举。他说 :“想想那些气候议案的不当之处” 被强加在一肚子怨气的少数国家身上吧。(这回他说对了)




Supporters of the Lisbon treaty insist that its institutional changes will give the EU new strength to cope with a tricky new world. Mr Sarkozy insists he wants the new treaty, which he has got the Irish to promise to vote on again. But arguably, the historic significance of the French presidency has little to do with Lisbon. Instead, it offered a glimpse of how Europe may work in a world in which the rules of global governance are in flux.Mr Sarkozy relied on variable geometry, as he assembled EU leaders in groups of four, 16 and 27, and then took six of them to Washington for the G20 financial summit.
支持者坚称,机构性改革将为欧盟增添新的活力,以应对复杂多变的未来局势。萨科奇先生就明确表明了支持立场,还称爱尔兰将再次公投
可是,这届法国轮值主席的“历史意义”实在与里斯本关系不大。不过,它倒予人一瞥欧洲在动荡不定的世界秩序中可能持有的行事风格——萨科奇先生喜欢以来变量几何,把欧盟首脑分成4、16、27三组,然后带着其中6人参加了华盛顿20国峰会。



Amid all this manoeuvring, France often angered small countries, which felt pushed around. A multi-speed Europe is a risky idea that could break up the EU. But Mr Sarkozy was surely right that future global co-operation will take different, ad hoc forms. It is “untrue” that institutions stop Europe from taking decisions, he said. Europe’s problem is a lack of political will. Like Bosquet’s in 1854, Mr Sarkozy’s judgment was both harsh and correct.
花招耍遍,结果是小国感觉被摆了一道,气不打一处来——欧洲若是步调不协调,欧盟就有分崩离析的危险。不过,未来的全球合作将采取多变而机动的方式,
这一点他倒是说对了欧盟决议受制度左右,那是“无稽之谈”。欧盟的问题在于政治意志不强。正如1854年的波苏克将军一样,萨科奇先生的判断可谓逆耳忠言。
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发表于 2010-4-29 00:42 | 显示全部楼层
千修万改,东查西问,无奈背景知识匮乏,活生生出现了几句断层,特别是标蓝部分。看着圆滑空洞的文字就如同哪吒失了莲花身一样,恁的好生烦恼!
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发表于 2010-4-29 00:47 | 显示全部楼层
Lz 不易,语言活泼生趣,一路读一路乐。

几点参考:

thundering pace  -- 雷厉风行 (另: 草莽用来形容他无视办事规则上)

His six months were supposed to be dominated by routine Euro-business such as finalising a deal on climate-change measures and a French-tinged campaign to build a “more protective Europe”. Instead, as is so often the way, Mr Sarkozy found himself managing the EU through some grave crises.

本来,这半年任期应该一如往常地充斥着各种欧洲事务,如敲定气候变化应对方案,发起泛着法国色彩的运动来打造“欧洲更强贸易保护伞”。而他却一如往常地发现,管理欧洲免不了要处理一堆危机。
-----------------------------------------------------
as is so often the way –  而Mr Sarkozy ,一如以往惯例(即其他轮值主席所面临的),同样发现他管理欧洲免不了要处理一堆重大危机。


应是催生出具体方案的雏形—小笔误:硬是?

Where it suited them – 朝令夕改,合意则用?


“Imagine the weakness” of a climate change deal imposed on an unhappy minority, he said (rightly).
他说 :“想想那些气候议案的不当之处” 被强加在一肚子怨气的少数国家身上吧。(这回他说对了)

But arguably, the historic significance of the French presidency has little to do with Lisbon. Instead, it offered a glimpse of how Europe may work in a world in which the rules of global governance are in flux. Mr Sarkozy relied on variable geometry, as he assembled EU leaders in groups of four, 16 and 27, and then took six of them to Washington for the G20 financial summit.

可是,这届法国轮值主席的历史意义实在与里斯本关系不大。不过,它倒予人一瞥欧洲在动荡不定的世界秩序中可能持有的行事风格——萨科奇先生喜欢依赖变量几何,把欧盟首脑被分成4、16、27三组,然后带着其中6人参加了华盛顿二十国首脑峰会。
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发表于 2010-4-29 00:52 | 显示全部楼层
感谢您精当到位,清晰简洁的指点!

几点想法,与您探讨:

thundering : extraordinary big or impressive e.g.: a thundering success
这个词以及这句评价(~ pace and reckless disregard),怕是作者照应法国将军批评英国指挥官在那场战争中可笑的个人英雄主义,送死的打法,有点以彼之道还施彼身的意味。是否不宜译得褒奖?当然,“雷厉风行”除“比喻执行政策法令严厉迅速”外,也“形容办事声势猛烈,行动迅速。”

“大步流星”似乎比较恰当。


As is so often the way “(即其他轮值主席所面临的) ”这层意思我也想到了,可这样一来文意似乎就不连贯了:本当管理routine,既然萨科奇面临了 often 事务,为什么还要instead呢?难道这个so often the way是指他在管理国内事务上也面临了一堆危机?




“the historic significance of the French presidency has little to do with Lisbon ”这届法国轮值主席的历史意义实在与里斯本关系不大。
哦,原来“历史意义”是照应第三段的“historic”。这里加上引号,以示引用可好?
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发表于 2010-4-29 00:57 | 显示全部楼层
很喜欢lz的风格,同样看得想笑!这样的实事评论的确就应该这样。我顺便扔两个小石块:

federalists    是联邦主义者

=================================

Supporters of the Lisbon treaty insist that its institutional changes will give the EU new strength to cope with a tricky new world.  支持者认为,面对扑朔迷离的未知世界,制度改革将为欧盟注入新的活力  

这里 insistent, 以及cope with 都没有译出来

里斯本协议的支持者坚持认为,机构性改革将为欧盟增添新的活力,以便应对复杂多变的未来局势。

=====================================

But arguably, the historic significance of the French presidency has little to do with Lisbon  

arguably   值得商榷   没有译出来
==================================

Mr Sarkozy relied on variable geometry  我觉得 见风使舵更好一点

==============================================

But Mr Sarkozy was surely right that future global co-operation will take different, ad hoc forms.   

这里曾经热烈的讨论过 ad hoc,不过我找不到了。在这里它应该是事先无准备,临时决定的意思。

所以可以考虑翻译成:未来的全球合作将采取多变而机动的方式。更简洁一点


ps.  虽然这样的文章在表达上可以更加自由,有些时候还是不能太脱离原文。我们必须假设读者在不看原文的时候如何理解我们的文章。当然这类的文章都不好翻译,再赞一下!
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发表于 2010-4-29 01:02 | 显示全部楼层
对了,lz 真地认为   anticipating the Lisbon treaty    是提前执行《里斯本条约》的意思吗?

aticipating 我觉得值得商榷。:-)
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发表于 2010-4-29 01:07 | 显示全部楼层
As is so often the way “(即其他轮值主席所面临的) ”这层意思我也想到了,可这样一来文意似乎就不连贯了:本当管理,既然萨科奇面临了 often 事务,为什么还要呢?难道这个so often the way是指他在管理国内事务上也面临了一堆危机?

这句是蛮绕的,我也一时没想好,所以靠括号来表达了;P 。

和你的理解相同,本来的routine,却instead,成了managing some grave crises。

As is so often the way :历届轮值主席往往发现managing routine 成了 managing some grave crises,萨科奇自然不会例外 (这里还带点对他的讽刺, e.g. grave)。

再罗嗦点的话,这句这样通吗?  现实却并非如此简单(instead),和历任一样(as is so often the way),萨科奇发现管理欧洲免不了要处理一堆深重危机。

4# hunt.lee1987
原来“历史意义”是照应第三段的“historic”。这里加上引号,以示引用可好?

Of course. 你的文章~~ lz ,随意一点,不必称“您”啦。:lol
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发表于 2010-4-29 01:12 | 显示全部楼层
1# hunt.lee1987

arguably   值得商榷   没有译出来

Supporters of the Lisbon  ...

提的是。but arguably, "虽然如此,有理由相信。。。” 似乎很翻译腔,这层意思是否已经由后面句子中的 “实在”一词体现出来了?
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发表于 2010-4-29 01:17 | 显示全部楼层
嗯,我多少有点“死教条”了。罪过!
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发表于 2010-4-29 01:22 | 显示全部楼层
1# hunt.lee1987

很喜欢lz的风格,同样看得想笑!这样的实事评论的确就应该这样。我顺便扔两个小石块:

federalists    是联邦主义者

=================================

Supporters of the Lisbon  ...



是了,所谓“镣铐下的舞蹈”,我舞着舞着就忘记镣铐了。。。


一处不懂:Mr Sarkozy relied on variable geometry  



“见风使舵”比喻看势头或看别人的眼色行事。不知萨科奇先生——将领导人分配成三组,并带6人组参加峰会——看的“势头”是什么?
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