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[2007.10.18]Turkey and America:Unearthing the past, endangering the future

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发表于 2010-3-17 23:02 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
Turkey and America土耳其与美国
Unearthing the past, endangering the future
揭露旧疤,伤及未来
Oct 18th 2007 | ANKARA, WASHINGTON, DC, AND YEREVAN
From The Economist print edition
Turkey votes to invade northern Iraq; Congress considers the Armenian genocide. The two are dangerously connected
土耳其对入侵伊拉克北部的表决;美国国会对亚美尼亚种族屠杀[注1]的讨论。这两件事被危险的联系在一起


Camera Press                       


STANDING before a blurred photograph of a ditch full of emaciated corpses, an elderly woman begins to cry. “The Turks are butchers,” hisses another. These women are among thousands of diaspora Armenians who travel from all corners of the globe to pay tribute to their dead at the genocide memorial in Yerevan. “Our objective is not to attack this or that country,” explains a grim-faced guide. “It is to ensure recognition of the first genocide of the 20th century, that of 1.5m Armenians by the Turks.” (01)
  模糊的照片上是满沟瘦弱的尸体,一名伫立于前的老妪不禁开始痛哭。“土耳其人是屠夫”,另一人切切的说。这些妇女都是千千万万离散的亚美尼亚人其中之一,她们从世界各地云集于埃里温(Yerevan),以表达对那些在种族屠杀中死者的敬意。“我们的目的并不是要攻击这个或那个国家”,一名表情严肃的解说解释道,“这只是为了保证对20世纪第一次种族屠杀的认定,土耳其人在那场屠杀中杀害了150万亚美尼亚人。”

For decades, Armenians round the world have lobbied for explicit official recognition of their point of view. Over the years, Armenian groups in America (where perhaps 400,000 people have Armenian ancestry) have persuaded 40 out of 50 states to recognise the genocide. They seemed poised to snatch their biggest trophy yet when the Foreign Affairs Committee of America's Democrat-controlled House of Representatives passed a bill on October 10th stating that “the Armenian genocide was conceived and carried out by the Ottoman empire from 1915 to 1923.” But this was overshadowed, on October 17th, by another, related, vote: the Turkish parliament's decision to allow the government to clobber guerrillas of the homegrown Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in their haven in northern Iraq. (02)
  数十年来,亚美尼亚人为获得对他们观点的合法官方认定而满世界游说。这些年来,美国(有亚美尼亚血统的人可能有40万)的亚美尼亚团体说服了全美50州中的40个认可那是种族屠杀。而当本月10日由民主党人控制的美国众议院外交事务委员会通过了一项议案之时,如今他们似乎准备要攫取他们最大的战利品了,该议案声明“认定1915年到1923年间,奥斯曼帝国(Ottoman empire)对亚美尼亚人的杀害是种族屠杀。” 但本月17日的另一项相关表决:土耳其议会的动议允许政府越境清剿盘踞在伊拉克北部的本土库尔德工人党(PKK)[注2]武装,却使该议案蒙上了一层阴影。

For, even as Congress has been considering a war that is almost a century old, America's present war in Iraq has made Turkey newly vulnerable to Kurdish attacks. The de facto autonomy enjoyed by Iraqi Kurds has encouraged the PKK. Many PKK guerrillas are now attacking the Turks from bases in Iraq. As many as 20 Turkish soldiers have died in clashes with the PKK in the past two weeks alone. The Turks have held back from retaliation, largely because they hoped that America would deal with the PKK itself. Its failure to do so, mainly because it fears upsetting its Iraqi Kurdish allies, is the biggest cause of rampant anti-American feeling in Turkey, which has been strengthening for some time (see chart). So although President George Bush warned Turkey, just before its parliamentary vote, that it was not in its interests to send troops into Iraq, the Turks ignored him. “The genocide resolution poured more oil on to the flames at the worst possible time,” observes Taha Ozhan of the SETA think-tank in Ankara. (03)
  就在美国国会讨论近一个世纪前的战争时,目前的伊拉克战争已使得土耳其近来频频遭到库尔德人的袭击。伊拉克库尔德人享有的实际自治权鼓舞了库尔德工人党。现在许多库尔德工人党武装都依托在伊拉克的基地向土耳其发动袭击。仅过去两周里,就有多达20名土耳其战士在与库尔德工人党的冲突中丧生。土耳其克制着没有报复,很大程度是希望美国能自己解决掉库尔德工人党。但美国没有这么做,主要因为担心与他的伊拉克库尔德盟友闹翻,这也是导致土耳其反美情绪高涨的最重要因素,而这种情绪已经膨胀一段时间了(见图)。因此,尽管布什总统在议会表决前警告土耳其,称不希望看到土耳其向伊拉克派兵,但土耳其人并没有理会他。位于安卡拉(Ankara)智库塞塔(SETA)的塔哈?厄兹汗(Taha Ozhan)注意到,“种族屠杀议案是在最坏可能的时候往火上浇油。”


Echoes of the Ottomans
奥斯曼的回声
The raw facts of the Armenian tragedy are not disputed. In 1915 many hundreds of thousands of Armenian civilians were deported to the deserts of Syria and Iraq. They were more than likely to die on the journey from starvation, exhaustion and attacks by robbers or irregular fighters. Their deportation, in the view of most Western historians, fits the United Nations' 1948 definition of genocide: an action intended “to destroy in whole, or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group”. That conclusion is based in part on the testimony of Christian missionaries and Western diplomats, who observed at close hand the atrocities inflicted on the Armenians and concluded that this was not just brutal deportation, but a policy of extermination. (04)
  未经处理过的亚美尼亚人悲剧事实没有争议。1915年,成千上万的亚美尼亚人被驱逐到叙利亚和伊拉克的沙漠中。他们中的很多人死于路途中的饥饿、疲劳、强盗或者游兵散勇的攻击。在多数西方历史学家看来,他们的被驱逐符合联合国1948年关于种族屠杀的定义:一种蓄意“全部或部分消灭某一民族、人种、种族或宗教团体”的行为。这一结论部分是依据基督传教士与西方外交官的证词,他们近距离目睹了施加在亚美尼亚人的暴行,并推断这不仅仅是横蛮的驱逐,而是种族灭绝政策。

Turkey admits that several hundred thousand Armenians did die, but says this was not because of any centrally organised campaign to wipe them out. The deaths, it says, were a result of the chaos convulsing the Ottoman empire in its final days—a collapse accelerated by the treachery of its Armenian subjects, who had sided with invading Russian and French forces. In short, the tragedy was war, not genocide. This is the version taught to Turkish schoolchildren, who are also told that many more Turks were killed by Armenians than vice versa. Turks remember, too, that in the 1970s some 47 of their countrymen, many of them diplomats, were killed by Armenian militants. (05)
  土耳其承认,有数十万亚美尼亚人死于非命,但又说这并非死于任何要彻底消灭他们的有组织行动。土耳其称,末代奥斯曼帝国混乱动荡才是导致他们死亡的原因——由于支持俄国与法国入侵军的亚美尼亚臣民的反叛,加速了奥斯曼帝国的覆灭。简而言之,这场悲剧只是一场战争,而非种族屠杀。这是教导土耳其学童的版本,更甚者,他们还告知有更多的土耳其人被亚美尼亚人杀害。土耳其人也不会忘记,上世纪70年代,在与亚美尼亚人的交战中有47名土耳其同胞被杀害,其中许多还是外交官。
 
Genocide is a tricky subject in Washington. Six weeks after the Rwandan genocide began in 1994, when 500,000 people had already been murdered for belonging to the wrong tribe, the American government still hesitated to call it what it was. The trouble with calling genocide “genocide” while the blood is still spilling is that, under the terms of a UN convention, one is obliged to do something to stop it. (06)
  种族屠杀对于美国而言是个棘手的议题。1994年的卢旺达大屠杀[注3]中,有50万属于错误部族的人被屠杀,而6周以后美国政府仍在犹豫怎么定义这次事件。麻烦在于,当屠刀下的鲜血还在横流的时候称这一事件为“种族屠杀”,那么按照联合国有关条款的惯例,就得有人站出来阻止悲剧的继续发生。
The Armenian killings incur no such awkwardness. Obviously, Congress cannot do much about a massacre that happened nearly a century ago. But that does not mean that its words carry no cost. Being branded as the precursors of Hitler “is a very injurious move to the psyche of the Turkish people,” said Turkey's ambassador to Washington, before he was withdrawn for “consultations”. And plenty of Americans who dismiss the Turkish account as whitewash nonetheless think that their lawmakers are fools for saying so aloud. (07)
  对于亚美尼亚屠杀事件则没有如此的尴尬。很明显,国会不会对近一个世纪前的大屠杀去做什么。但也并不意味着他们不要为此付出任何成本。土耳其大使在被召回“磋商”之前对美国称,众院谴责这一行为为希特勒开了先河“是对土耳其人民心灵的严重损害”。而且作为掩饰,大量的美国人解除了与土耳其客户的关系,尽管他们认为立法者如此大张旗鼓的炒作此事真是愚蠢。

Turkey is a key ally in a region where America has too few. Three-quarters of the air cargo heading into Iraq passes through Incirlik air base there. American planes fly freely through Turkish air space en route to Iraq and Afghanistan, and the American navy uses Turkish ports. Turkey provides Iraq with electricity and allows trucks laden with fuel to cross its border into Iraq. But if American politicians persist in dishing out what Turks perceive as a grave insult, it will make it harder for the Turkish government to continue co-operating so closely with America. (08)
  土耳其是美国在中东地区为数不多的关键盟友之一。美国进入伊拉克四分之三的空中运输要通过土耳其因斯里克(Incirlik)空军基地。美国还计划在飞往伊拉克与阿富汗的途中能自由穿越土耳其领空,而且美海军还使用着土耳其港口。土耳其向伊拉克输送电力,还允许满载燃料的卡车通过边境前往伊拉克。但如果美国政客坚持欠考虑的严重损害土耳其人感情,那么就很难使土政府维持与美国如此紧密的合作关系。

That is why Mr Bush urged Congress to ditch the bill. Eight former secretaries of state, from both parties, urged the same. The current secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice, called Turkey's foreign minister, prime minister and president to mollify them. She also dispatched two able lieutenants to Turkey. She tried to reassure Ankara that “the American people don't feel that the current Turkish government is the Ottoman empire”. Jane Harman, a Democrat who had originally co-sponsored the House resolution, has now withdrawn her support, noting that the House had already passed similar resolutions in 1975 and 1984, and that doing so again would “isolate and embarrass a courageous and moderate Islamic government in perhaps the most volatile region in the world.” Without, she might have added, saving a single Armenian. (09)
  这就是为什么布什强烈要求国会搁置此议案。来自民主党和共和党的8位前国务卿也有相同的要求。现任国务卿康多莉扎?赖斯(Condoleezza Rice)拜访了土耳其外长、总理和总统,以安抚他们。她还派遣2个得力助手前往土耳其。她试图让安卡拉确信“美国人民并不认为现在的土耳其政府是奥斯曼帝国”。原本一同向众院提案的民主党人简?哈曼(Jane Harman)也撤销了她的支持,她指出众院已于1975年和1984年通过了类似议案,再次这么做将“孤立和为难可能是世界上最动荡地区中这一勇敢而稳健的伊斯兰政府。”除此之外,她可能会额外提案,以补偿亚美尼亚个人。

Foreign-policy experts, too, are aghast. Steven Cook of the Council on Foreign Relations, a think-tank, laments the cavalier way Nancy Pelosi, the speaker of the House, and her Democratic cohorts are treating relations with a crucial ally. Anthony Cordesman of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies frets that the bill will create “yet another pointless source of anger” against America in the Middle East. The White House has promised to do all it can to prevent the full House from voting on the resolution—though Ms Pelosi, whose Californian constituents include many rich Armenians, has promised that the measure will reach the House floor by mid-November. (10)
  外交政策专家同样为此感到惊骇。美国智库外交关系委员会(Council on Foreign Relations)的史蒂芬?库克(Steven Cook),感慨傲慢的众院议长南希?佩洛西(Nancy Pelosi)和她的一帮民主党人如此处理与重要盟友的关系。美国战略与国际问题研究中心(Center for Strategic and International Studies)的安东尼?考兹曼(Anthony Cordesman)则担忧这一议案将在中东产生反美的“另一种无谓的愤怒来源”。白宫已承诺将竭尽所能阻止众院表决该议案——可是代表包括许多富有亚美尼亚裔加州选民的佩洛西女士,也已承诺该议案将在11月中旬提交众院表决。

Meanwhile, the Turkish government has racked up its lobbying in Washington by several degrees. If the resolution passes the full House, it has hinted, use of the Incirlik base may be denied. “Unfortunately, some politicians in the United States have made an attempt to sacrifice big issues for minor political games,” said Turkey's newly elected president, Abdullah Gul. The hawkish army chief, General Yasar Buyukanit, gave warning that if the House bill went through, “our military relations with the US will never be the same again.” (11)
  与此同时,土耳其政府多次不同程度的游说华盛顿,暗示如果该议案在众院得到通过,那么将可能拒绝提供因斯里克给美军使用。“不幸的是,美国的一些政客却在为幼稚的政治游戏而牺牲大问题作出努力,”新当选的土耳其总统阿卜杜拉?居尔(Abdullah Gul)说。鹰派的军队领袖亚赛尔?克阿纳特(Yasar Buyukanit)则警告称,一旦美国众院通过了该议案,“我们与美国的军事关系将永远不复存在。”

By October 17th, both Republican and Democratic congressmen were beginning to back away from the resolution. Around a dozen of them withdrew their support, and its chances of passage looked much dimmer than before. “This vote”, said the head of the Democratic caucus, “came face to face with the reality on the ground.” But the damage, it could be argued, had already been done. (12)
  10月17日,共和党和民主党议员都开始回避该议案。其中约有十多人撤销了对议案的支持,而且议案通过的可能性也比以前小多了。“这一表决,”民主党决策会议领袖说,“开始要面对被搁置的现实了。”但是将引起争论的破坏,却已产生。


The Kurdish provocation
库尔德人的挑衅
Turkey is now seething with conspiracy theories about American and assorted Western ne'er-do-wells wanting to weaken and divide the country, as they did when the empire collapsed. Kurds and Armenians are connected in villainy. At the recent funeral of a Turkish soldier killed by the PKK, a state-appointed imam declared to mourners that “the Armenian bastards” were “responsible” for his death. (13)
  土耳其现在沸沸扬扬的盛传美国和其他西方走狗想要削弱和分裂该国的阴谋论,就像当初他们颠覆奥斯曼帝国那样。库尔德人和美国人勾结在一起做坏事。就在近期被库尔德工人党杀害的土耳其战士葬礼上,一名国家任命的阿訇对送葬者公然宣称“美国杂种”对他的死有“责任”。

All this has intensified the pressure on the mildly Islamist prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, to wade into northern Iraq soon. Threats of a Turkish invasion have helped to push world oil prices to new highs. Meanwhile the PKK, in a statement, said its fighters would defend the Kurds and their interests to “the last drop of blood”. (14)
  这一切都加大了对这位温和的伊斯兰总理杰普?塔伊普?埃尔多安(Recep Tayyip Erdogan)尽快出兵伊拉克北部的压力。土耳其入侵的威胁又推动了世界油价再创新高。与此同时,库尔德工人党在一份声明中称,他们的战士为保卫库尔德而不惜“流尽最后一滴血”。

Yet despite the chest-thumping, Turkish officials privately concede that a large-scale cross-border operation is a rotten idea. Turkish soldiers run the risk of getting bogged down, much as the Israelis did in Lebanon. And as Mr Erdogan himself acknowledged last week, in a recent interview with the CNN news channel, “We staged 24 such operations in the past and can we say we achieved anything? Not really.” In reality, a Turkish incursion would probably win the PKK fresh recruits while driving an even bigger wedge between Turkey and America. It would also provide ammunition for countries, such as France and Austria, which argue that Turkey should be given “privileged partnership” of the European Union rather than full membership. (15)
  虽然打算对库尔德工人党还以颜色,土耳其官员私下却承认大规模的越境行动是个糟糕的想法。土耳其士兵将有陷入战争泥潭的风险,就像以色列在黎巴嫩那样[注4]。而且埃尔多安上周在接受美国有线新闻网新闻频道采访时承认,“我们在过去曾实施了24次类似行动,但能说我们达成了什么目的吗?事实上什么也没有。”实际上,土耳其的入侵很可能会让库尔德工人党收益,当在土耳其和美国之间形成巨大而稳定隔阂的时候,他们能够趁机补充新丁。而像法国和奥地利,这类主张土耳其应该成为欧盟“特别成员”而非正式成员的国家,也将从军火供应中获益。

And there lies another source of sourness. Disillusionment with the EU is reflected in polls that show support for membership among Turks is slipping from a high of 74% in 2002 to under 50% this year. Waning EU influence may, in turn, leave Turkey feeling less constrained about plotting mischief inside Iraq. (16)
  此外还存在另一种使坏的根源。调查显示,土耳其人对加入欧盟的支持率已从2002年的74%高位降到今年的50%,反映了对欧盟的寄托破灭。反过来,欧盟影响力的衰退可能让土耳其对在伊拉克境内策划战争更没有负担。

“If Turkey goes in [to Iraq] it will become isolated, authoritarian, a very nasty place,” says Soli Ozel, a political scientist at Istanbul's Bilgi University. Like many fellow liberals, he blames the current mess as much on EU dithering as on Mr Erdogan and his ruling Justice and Development (AK) Party. Riding on a wave of sweeping reforms and economic recovery, the AK romped back to solo rule in the July elections with a bigger share of the vote. (17)
  “如果土耳其进入(伊拉克),那么他将变成一个孤立、独裁、非常肮脏的地方,”伊斯坦布尔(Istanbul)比尔基(Bilgi)大学的政治学者所里?奥泽尔(Soli Ozel)称。他和众多自由主义同道一样,将当前的困境归责于和欧盟一样摇摆不定的埃尔多安,以及他领导的正义与发展党(AK Party)。今年7月,正义与发展党凭借广泛改革和经济复苏的呼声,在选举中以多数票轻松获胜,得以单独执政。

AK should have used this mandate to tackle Turkey's most urgent problems. It might have begun with Armenia, by considering America's plea to open its borders with it. These were sealed in 1993 after the tiny landlocked state, once part of the Soviet Union, invaded a chunk of ethnically Turkic Azerbaijan in a vicious conflict over the enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh. (18)
  正义与发展党应该利用这一授权处理土耳其最紧迫的问题。出于对美国要求开放与亚美尼亚边境的考虑,也许已从亚美尼亚开始了。亚美尼亚曾是苏联的一部分,1993年这一狭小的内陆国在次恶意冲突中,全面侵入突厥语族阿塞拜疆的飞地纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫(Nagorno-Karabakh)[注5],战火波及了阿塞拜疆大片领土,在此之后土耳其关闭了同亚美尼亚的边境。

Over the past few months the Americans have been working on a proposal calling for Turkey to establish formal ties with Armenia and to end its blockade. In return, Armenia would recognise its existing border with Turkey and publicly disavow any territorial claims, including the claim to Mount Ararat, its national symbol. A deal of that sort might have helped the Bush administration head off the genocide resolution, and could possibly have squashed it for good. (19)
  在过去的几月中,美国发起了一项提议,号召土耳其与亚美尼亚建立正式关系,并结束对亚封锁。作为回报,亚美尼亚将承认与土耳其现在的边境线,并公开放弃任何领土要求,包括亚美尼亚国家象征的亚拉腊山(Mount Ararat)[注6]。这类协议也许能帮助布什政府阻止“种族灭绝”的议案,并且很可能能很好的压制该议案。


Drinking in Yerevan
在埃里温喝酒

A recent poll conducted by the International Republican Institute, a pro-democracy pressure group, suggests that the people of Armenia—unlike their brothers and sisters in the diaspora—may be ready for change. Only 3% of respondents said that recognition of the genocide was their first priority. A mere 4% listed it at all. For many, finding a job is their chief worry. (20)
  近期,亲民主党的压力集团美国国际共和研究所做了一项调查,调查表明亚美尼亚人民——不同于他们离散的兄弟姐妹——或许已做好了改变的准备。仅有3%的受访者表示种族屠杀的认定是他们最重要的事。不超过4%的受访者选择了这一选项。对于大多数人而言,找工作才是他们最伤脑筋的事。

Meanwhile, Turkey has looked the other way as thousands of illegal Armenian migrants have sought work in Istanbul, the former Ottoman capital. Mutual suspicions are beginning to fade as these newcomers are recruited by Turks to care for babies and ageing parents. Armenian tourists, too, braving accusations of treachery back home, have been heading by the thousands to Turkey's Mediterranean resorts. “Until I met a real Turk, I rather feared them,” confesses Tevan Poghossian, an Armenian pundit, who runs projects to promote Turkish-Armenian dialogue. “Now I go out drinking with them in Yerevan.” (21)
  于此同时,随着成千上万的亚美尼亚非法移民在前奥斯曼帝国的首都伊斯坦布尔找工作,土耳其也注意到改善两国关系的其他途径。当这些新来者受雇于土耳其人,照顾他们的小孩和老人是,彼此间的戒心正开始消退。同样,亚美尼亚游客勇敢的面对回国时的背叛指控,蜂拥前往土耳其的地中海度假胜地。“在我遇见真正的土耳其人之前,我相当害怕他们,”一名从事促进土耳其-亚美尼亚对话项目的亚美尼亚学者Tevan Poghossian承认道,“现在,我还外出和他们一起在埃里温喝酒。”

The few Turks who travel the other way can discover that they have more in common with their Armenian neighbours than they suppose. A visit to the open-air vegetable market in Yerevan reveals that many of the words for vegetables are the same (and so, too, are some of the swear-words). As often as not, Turks who identify themselves are greeted with a big smile and even with a discount. And a simple apology for the events of 1915, without mention of the G-word, can melt the ice. (22)
  少数另类旅游的土耳其人发现,他们的亚美尼亚邻居比他们想象中的更普通。参观埃里温的露天菜市场,就能发现许多关于蔬菜的话都一样(也因此,是一些誓词)。这些土耳其人往往认为他们受到了热情微笑的问候,甚至还能享受到折扣。而且对1915年事件的一个简单道歉,而不是提及“屠杀”,就能溶化坚冰。

In a gesture of goodwill, Turkey this year restored a much-prized Armenian church in the eastern province of Van. Armenian officials were among those invited to attend its opening—albeit as a museum—in March. And a growing number of Turks, secure in the knowledge that Ataturk, the revered founder of modern Turkey, had no hand in the killings, are beginning to question the fate of the Ottoman Armenians. A few intrepid souls such as Taner Akcam, a historian, have even dared to call it a genocide. (23)
  今年,土耳其以善意的姿态修复了东部范省(Van)极为珍贵的亚美尼亚教堂。在3月,还邀请亚美尼亚官员同他们一道参加开幕典礼——尽管是作为一个博物馆。而且,越来越多的土耳其人开始询问奥斯曼帝国时期的亚美尼亚人命运,这些土耳其人相信,受人尊敬的现代土耳其之父阿塔图尔克(Ataturk)[注7]与那次杀戮无关。更有少数如历史学家Taner Akcam一般的无畏灵魂,甚至敢于承认那是场“种族屠杀”。

Despite this burgeoning spirit of reconciliation, however, Turkey has balked at establishing formal ties and insists that Armenia must make the first move. Armenia retorts that it is up to Turkey to prove that its overtures are not designed solely to kill the genocide resolution; to prove its good faith, Turkey should act first. Mr Erdogan's lieutenants blame the impasse on Turkey's meddlesome generals, who insist that Armenia must make peace with Azerbaijan before it can make peace with Turkey. (24)
  尽管这一和解精神在不断壮大,但土耳其仍不愿建立正式关系,并坚持要求亚美尼亚先作出让步。亚美尼亚则反驳道,这取决于土耳其证明其提议不是单纯有意的阻扰种族灭绝议案;取决于土耳其证明其诚意,土耳其应首先采取行动。埃尔多安的助手们则抱怨僵局在于土耳其好干涉的将军们,他们坚持亚美尼亚必须先和阿塞拜疆保持和平,才能与土耳其和平相处。

It is also the army that is blocking political accommodation with the Kurds, they say. But since the AK was returned to power with 47% of the popular vote, such excuses are looking thin. If the government were sincere about democracy, it should have scrapped the notorious Article 301 of the penal code that makes it a crime to “insult Turkishness”. Hundreds of Turkish academics and writers, including Orhan Pamuk, a Nobel prize-winner, have been prosecuted under this article. One of its targets, Hrant Dink, an Armenian newspaper editor, was murdered in January by an ultra-nationalist teenager who accused him of insulting Turkey. His lawyers accuse the government of covering up the affair, despite evidence that at least one rogue security official was involved in plotting Mr Dink's death. (25)
  他们还称,也是因为军队才阻止了与库尔德人的政治协商。但自从正义与发展党以47%的得票率重新执政,这些借口看来都微不足道。如果该政府诚意民主,就应该废除臭名昭著的刑法第301条,该条款认定“侮辱土耳其特质(Turkishness)”是一种罪行。数百土耳其学者、包括诺贝尔文学奖得主奥尔罕?帕慕克(Orhan Pamuk)[注8]在内的作家,都曾因此条款而被起诉。赫兰特?丁克(Hrant Dink)这名亚美尼亚新闻编辑就是其目标之一,今年一月,他被一名指控他侮辱土耳其的极端民族主义少年谋杀。他的律师指责政府隐瞒事实真相,尽管有证据显示至少有一名无耻的安全官员参与谋划了丁克的死亡。

As long as Article 301 remains on the books, there is no substance in Mr Erdogan's call for historians, not politicians, to investigate history. As Mr Ozel points out, “Anyone who disagrees with the official line can end up behind bars.” Article 301 also makes it harder for Turkey's own Armenians to oppose recognition of the genocide by foreign governments, on the ground that it is better for Turks to arrive at the truth themselves. Instead, nationalist rage is stoked up on both sides. (26)
  只要第301条仍然存在,埃尔多安号召历史学家,而不是政客对历史的调查就毫无意义。正如奥泽尔先生指出的,“任何与官方路线不一致的人,最终都会投入监狱。” 由于土耳其的亚美尼亚人通过外国政府认定种族屠杀作为反抗,第301条同样使土耳其处境艰难,而这能更好的让土耳其人自己看到事实的真相。相反,民族主义者的狂怒对双方都是火上浇油。

Turning a deaf ear to such criticism, the government has wasted precious political capital on writing a new constitution. The current document, written by the generals after their last coup in 1980, undoubtedly needs to be replaced. Yet by insisting on provisions that would enable veiled women to attend university, the government has been accused of promoting a covert Islamist agenda. (27)
  对类似的批评置若罔闻,土耳其政府在修订新宪法上已浪费了宝贵的政治资源。目前的宪法是在1980年最近一次政变后由将军们写成的,毫无疑问需要被替代。还在坚持女子蒙面上大学的条款,土政府被指责为这是个隐蔽伊斯兰化的议题。

It did not help when, overriding American objections, Turkey signed a gas-pipeline deal with Iran last July. Mr Erdogan's bent for flirting with rogue regimes in Iran and Syria, and for talking to Hamas in the Palestinian territories, may not have influenced the voting on the genocide resolution, but cannot have made congressmen warm to Turkey either. (28)
  当土耳其不顾美国抗议,在去年7月与伊朗签订天然气管道协议时,这没有帮助。埃尔多安乐于向伊朗和叙利亚这样流氓政权献媚,并寻求与巴勒斯坦武装派别哈马斯的会谈,这些也许对种族灭绝议案的表决没有影响,但是也不会让国会议员热情的对待土耳其。

To make matters worse, Turkey has given warning that its strong military ties with Israel may suffer if Israel fails to stop the resolution being passed. It is threatening to sever air links between Turkey and Yerevan and to expel Armenian migrant workers if the Armenian government does not lobby on its behalf. Turkey refuses to believe that neither Israel nor Armenia has the power to influence Congress, a fact which shows “just how little Turkey understands the way our country works”, moans a frustrated American official. “It also shows that Turkey lacks the stomach to take on the Americans, so it is going after an easier target, Armenia, instead.” (29)
  更糟的是,土耳其已发出警告,称如果以色列未能阻止议案的表决,那么与以色列巩固的军事联系将会受损。还威胁切断土耳其与埃里温的空中联系,并且驱逐亚美尼亚移民劳工,如果亚美尼亚政府没有对其利益游说的话。土耳其并不认为以色列或亚美尼亚有影响美国国会的能力,这一事实表明“土耳其对我国运作方式的理解是多么的有限,”一名沮丧的美国官员哀叹道。“这也说明土耳其缺乏搞定美国的能力,因此它随后锁定一个更容易的目标,用亚美尼亚代替。”

With luck, the resolution will be shelved and Turkey, its pride salved, will rethink its policies. With luck too, it will recognise that a full-blown invasion of northern Iraq would damage its interests and further inflame Kurdish separatists. If Turkey wants to fulfil its dreams of being a regional power and an inspiring example of how Islam and democracy can co-exist, it must make peace with all its citizens, including its Kurds. And it should find a way to face up to its past. It could do worse than seek inspiration from Ataturk who, as Mr Akcam noted in a recent book, once called the Armenian tragedy “a shameful act”. (30)
  幸运的是,该议案将被搁置,而自尊心得到宽慰土耳其将反省其政策。幸运的还是,土耳其将认识到全面入侵伊拉克北部将有损其利益,而且更一步的激怒库尔德分裂主义者。如果土耳其想实现其成为该地区大国的梦想,并且成为伊斯兰和民主共存的鼓舞人心的实例,就必须同包括库尔德人在内的所有公民化解纷争。而且他还应找到面对过去的方法。这样比从阿塔图尔克那寻求激励还会更糟,正如Akcam先生在新书中提及的,曾称亚美尼亚悲剧为“可耻的行为”。

附注:
[注1] 亚美尼亚种族屠杀
  自奥斯曼帝国时期以来,土耳其亚美尼亚人经历了三次较大规模,有组织的屠杀。本文中的“种族屠杀”是特指一战期间的大屠杀,因为开始时间最早,所以文中有本世纪第一次“种族屠杀”之称。
  19世纪80年代晚期,约有200万信奉基督教的亚美尼亚人住集中居在奥斯曼帝国东部省份。由于当时俄国的支持与鼓动,东部的亚美尼亚人开始要求领土自治。随着自治运动的发展,涌现出许多政治派别,最终于1887年和1890各自形成了Hënchak和Dashnaktsutyun两大革命党。与此同时,奥斯曼帝国苏丹阿卜杜拉·哈米德二世强硬镇压帝国内一切分裂势力,大幅提升对亚美尼亚人的征税,并煽动亚美尼亚人的库尔德邻居的民族主义情绪与之对抗。这因此成了了亚美尼亚激进分子反叛的借口,当1894年Sasun的亚美尼亚人拒绝交纳重税后,土耳其军队和库尔德族人杀害了数千亚美尼亚人,并焚毁了他们的村庄。
  为了引起别人对自己独立事业的关注,2年后亚美尼亚的革命者又策划了另一件大事:他们抢夺了伊斯坦布尔的奥斯曼银行。在随之而来的报复中,土耳其暴徒在政府军的协同下,杀害了5万多名亚美尼亚人。
  而第一次世界大战期间的大屠杀最为血腥。来自俄国高加索帝国的亚美尼亚人组成了自愿军,以帮助俄国军队打击土耳其。在1915年初,这些志愿军发动在土耳其境内的亚美尼亚人参加他们的队伍。对此,当时的土耳其政府下令驱逐境内的约175万名亚美尼亚人,将他们赶往叙利亚和美索不达米亚。在这次被迫流亡中,约有60万亚美尼亚人死于饥饿或者土耳其士兵、警察的攻击,数十万人流亡国外。(来源:《大英百科全书2007电子版》)

[注2] 库尔德工人党
  成立于1978年的左翼政党库尔德工人党由阿卜杜拉?奥克兰(Abdullah Ocalan)领导,自1983年起从其在伊朗的基地发起恐怖主义攻击,图谋成立独立的库尔德国,但也宣称可以接受库尔德完全自治。库尔德工人党约有5,000~10,000名武装人员,对政府设施、政府官员、生活在库尔德区的土耳其人、被指责为与政府方面合作的库尔德人、外国人以及土耳其的驻外机构发动攻击。他们从叙利亚和住在国外的库尔德人处得到资助,也透过犯罪活动来弄钱。自1991年起波斯湾战争后,设立受英、美军队保护的伊拉克库尔德斯坦安全营地,为库尔德工人党活动提供了新的基地。土耳其政府为了解决库尔德人的问题,于1991年给予了他们文化上的特许权,1993年同意了有限的自治,但库尔德人政党仍在被禁之列。政府继续动用军队镇压暴乱,实行军事管制,用于执行此项任务的军队和安全部队的数目持续增加。到1993年,参与土耳其东南战事的安全部队总人数已达约20万,使这场冲突演变成中东地区最大的一场内战。据估计,在1982~1995年间,死亡人数达约15,000,其中绝大多数为库尔德平民。几十个村庄被毁,许多居民流离失所。土耳其军队也进攻了库尔德劳工党在伊拉克的基地,最初使用飞机,以后又动用了地面部队。1992年下半年的一次进攻中,约有2万名土耳其士兵进入安全营地,1995年的一次类似的行动中动用了大约35,000人。(来源:《大英百科全书2007电子版》)

[注3] 卢旺达大屠杀
  卢旺达大屠杀发生在1994年位于非洲中部的卢旺达, 胡图族的政府军与图西族的卢旺达爱国阵线(Rwandan Patriotic Front、简称RPF)之间所发生的武装冲突,是一场有组织的大屠杀,也叫做卢旺达内战。当时据说在这场武装冲突中遇难人数超过一百万人。
  1890年到1918年时卢旺达为德国殖民地,1918到1962年为比利时殖民地。白人殖民者以图西人肤色较白,平均身高较高为由,让占人口少数的图西人(约15-18%) 统治占人口多数 (约 85%) 的胡图人,因而埋下日后种族屠杀的原因。1962年独立后,政府也未妥善处理种族问题。在20多年的时间里,卢旺达政府一直对图西族实行种族歧视政策。在大屠杀前的三年里,国家控制的媒体把图西族人等同为国家的敌人,大力加以鞭挞,煽起胡图族人的恐惧和仇恨。一家受到党政军多名要人支持的RTLM广播电台,在大屠杀前9个月,宣传对图西族人的仇恨,甚至公开宣布要被消灭的人的名单。
  1994年4月6日,载著卢旺达总统朱韦纳尔·哈比亚利马纳 和布隆迪总统西普里安·恩塔里亚米拉的飞机在卢旺达首都基加利附近被击落,两位总统都罹难。有传闻击落客机的人便是图西族游击队。
  屠杀从基加利开始扩散到全国每个角落;从4月6日到7月初的100天,约有100万人被屠杀,其中大部份是图西人。另外还有200万人流离失所。7月,卢旺达爱国前线RPF与邻国乌干达的军队反攻进入卢旺达首都基加利,击败了胡图人政府。200万胡图人,其中一些参与了屠杀,由于害怕遭到图西人报复,逃到邻国布隆迪、坦桑尼亚、乌干达、和扎伊尔(现在的刚果民主共和国)。数千人由于霍乱和痢疾死于难民营。
  由于美国在此前在索马里进行的干涉行动因当地势力的一致抵抗并遭到失败,并且遭到了许多欧洲与第三世界国家的严厉谴责,因此并不想派军介入这场冲突,而当地驻扎的联合国维和部队也因为美国而持观望态度。而整个国际社会也袖手旁观。后来联合国被迫说服其他国家能伸援。法国在基伏湖附近建立了野战医院,尝试收容难民。加拿大、以色列、荷兰和爱尔兰也提供了一些援助。红十字会、无国界医生等救援组织亦无惧炮火,到达当地,拯救平民百姓。大多数第三世界国家都认为美国对此事件负有责任,认为美国此次的不干涉态度是造成屠杀的重要原因
  联合国在坦桑尼亚的阿鲁沙成立卢旺达国际刑事法庭,审判高级政府官员或军人。卢旺达政府则负责较低层级的领导人或平民。根据卢旺达政府通过的法案,2004年成立一个独立调查委员会,调查法国在大屠杀事件当中所扮演的角色。(来源:维基百科中文版)

[注4] 以色列与黎巴嫩
  指2006年7月,以色列入侵黎巴嫩南部清缴真主党武装的战斗。在这场战争中,以色列并没有达到预期的效果,最后不得不了了之。

[注5] 纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫
  该区史称阿尔查赫(Artsakh),1813年为俄罗斯所有,尽管其人口约80%为亚美尼亚人,1923年苏联政府仍将它纳为阿塞拜疆苏维埃社会主义共和国的自治州。纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫因西部的卡拉巴赫山脉而被亚美尼亚苏维埃社会主义共和国包围,成为阿塞拜疆境内次要的飞地。该区在苏联治下的几十年中平静地发展,但1988年区内的亚美尼亚人开始鼓动将自治州转归亚美尼亚管辖,这个要求遭到阿塞拜疆苏维埃社会主义共和国和苏联政府双方强烈反对。亚美尼亚人和阿塞拜疆人对此议题的种族敌对愈演愈烈,自从亚美尼亚和阿塞拜疆1991年从解体中的苏联获得独立,飞地内的亚美尼亚人和阿塞拜疆人即走上战争之路。到90年代中期由亚美尼亚支持的卡拉巴赫亚美尼亚军队已控制阿塞拜疆西南部许多地方,包括纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫和连接亚美尼亚与飞地的地带。(来源:《大英百科全书2007电子版》)

[注6] 亚拉腊山
  亚拉腊山是传说中诺亚方舟在洪水渐退时停过的那座山。亚美尼亚人把自己当作洪水泛滥后世界上出现的第一批人种,视该山为圣山。波斯神话中说它是人类的摇篮。据当地传说,耸立在阿拉斯平原上的亚拉腊山坡有一村庄,是诺亚建造祭坛和开辟第一个葡萄园的地方。据说圣雅各布曾几次试图攀登亚拉腊山顶寻找方舟未果。亚美尼亚人在村子上面的山中修有一座纪念圣雅各布的修道院。村子内圣雅各布修道院和附近圣詹姆斯小礼拜堂均毁于1840年地震和雪崩。 (来源:《大英百科全书2007电子版》)

[注7] 阿塔图尔克
  生于1881年希腊的萨罗尼加(今塞萨洛尼基),逝于1938年11月10日土耳其的伊斯坦布尔。土耳其军人、政治人物、改革家,其缔造了土耳其共和国,并任第一届总统(1923-1938)。他是20世纪的伟人之一,拯救了第一次世界大战结束时战败的奥斯曼帝国幸存下来的土耳其。他激励国人反抗企图将协约国的意愿强加给厌战的土耳其人,入侵土耳其的希腊军队,并打退了英、法、意军队的进攻。经过这些抗争,他建立了现代土耳其共和国,为此他迄今仍受到土耳其人的尊敬。他成功地使人民恢复了身为土耳其人的骄傲,并使他们对祖国从落后走向现代产生新的成就感。在此后的20年间,凯末尔创造了一个现代国家,这个国家在其继任者的领导下,发展成为一个有活力的民主国家。  (来源:《大英百科全书2007电子版》)

[注8] 奥尔罕?帕慕克
  (1952.6.7,土耳其 伊斯坦布尔~ )
  土耳其小说家,以探索土耳其认同和历史的作品最富盛名。2006年获诺贝尔文学奖。
  生长在一个富裕的西化家庭,曾就读于伊斯坦堡的一所美国学校──罗伯特学院,续于伊斯坦布尔科技大学主修建筑。他念了3年后辍学,全心投入写作。1977年自伊斯坦布尔大学毕业,拿的是新闻学学位。1985~1988年旅居美国,在纽约哥伦比亚大学和爱荷华大学担任客座学者。
  1974年开始认真写作,8年后出版首部小说《贝伊和他的儿子们》(Cevdet Bey ve ogullari),全面描述土耳其共和国建立期间和之后一个伊斯坦堡家族的历史。首度为他赢得国际赞誉的是他的第三部小说《白色城堡》(Beyaz kale, 1985),书中描述17世纪伊斯坦堡一位学问渊博的意大利年轻人被俘虏而成为一位学者的奴隶的故事,藉此探讨身分认同的本质。后来的几本小说均被译为多国语言,包括详尽描写伊斯坦堡的《黑色之书》(Kara kitap, 1990),以及《新人生》 (Yeni hayat, 1996)和《我的名字叫红》(Benim adim kirmizi, 1998)的两部神秘小说。在2002年出版的《雪》(Kar)中,描述一位曾流亡德国的土耳其诗人在游历到土耳其一座偏僻的贫穷小镇时所面对的东、西方文化之间的紧张关系。2004年出版的《伊斯坦堡:回忆和该座城市》 (Istanbul: hatiralar ve sehir, 也以《伊斯坦堡:一座城市的记忆》〔Istanbul: Memories of a City〕之名发表)是半小说式的回忆录。
  这些通常呈自传体、情节复杂的作品,多半呈现出作者对传统土耳其伊斯兰文化的理解,并调合了「土耳其的未来在西方」的信念。帕慕克因鼓吹土耳其参与欧洲整合、加入欧洲联盟而遭部分国人非议。2005年一家瑞士报纸刊出一则帕慕克的专访,他在专访中反复声称土耳其人在1915年蓄意杀害百万名亚美尼亚人(参阅亚美尼亚人惨案〔Armenian massacres〕条),以及近期杀害3万名库尔德人(Kurd),使他遭控「诋毁土耳其国家形象」,于12月在土耳其受审。这些指控引起国际争议,后来被撤销了。(来源:《大英百科全书2007电子版》)
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发表于 2010-3-17 23:02 | 显示全部楼层
学谦大哥速度真是快啊!

占个沙发!
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发表于 2010-3-17 23:03 | 显示全部楼层
终于完成了附注的工作:victory:  

译文内容还些难以理解,翻译不妥的地方,望各位同仁不吝赐教~~:lol
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终身成就奖英语达人才华横溢优秀斑竹二级笔译三级笔译

发表于 2010-3-17 23:03 | 显示全部楼层
太神速了,先占个座,慢慢看。
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发表于 2010-3-17 23:03 | 显示全部楼层
1.这些妇女都是千千万万离散的亚美尼亚人其中之一 “这些”和“之一”对不上号~ 遇到"among"或者"one of them"时 可以考虑用“跟……一样”,“与……一起”之类的处理方式  
2.第二段中第二个"recognize"译为“认可”绝对不妥,查下字典就会知道为什么。鉴于之前已经用了两个“认定”,这里建议译为“承认”。
3.“when”在可以的情况下,尽量不要译为“当……时”,非常生硬,当然,也有人认为这样显得更准确,whatever。这句试译“10月10日由民主党人控制的美国众议院外交事务委员会通过了一项议案,这是亚美尼亚人迄今为止获得的最大胜利,该议案声明“认定1915年到1923年间,奥斯曼帝国(Ottoman empire)对亚美尼亚人的杀害是种族屠杀。”
4. “So although President George Bush warned Turkey, just before its parliamentary vote, that it was not in its interests to send troops into Iraq, the Turks ignored him. ”, “not in its interests”是指"not in Turkey's interest" 。
5.“在最坏可能的时候”…… 赶紧换个说法吧……  

先看一个小标题~下面的下次再看哈!
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